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The Lexington Herald-Leader logo over a black-and-white photograph of stacked newspapers.

Lexington Herald-Leader Layoffs Put Kentucky Local News at Risk McClatchy Media, the parent company of the Lexington Herald-Leader, laid off a total of 13 staff

McClatchy Media Company’s recent round of layoffs will likely speed up the already rapid decline of Kentucky’s media landscape, journalists and journalism experts said.

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The journalists who remain at The Herald-Leader are now expected to produce the same quality journalism with roughly half the newsroom staff, according to former staffers. And laid-off journalists are worried about how the loss of reporters will impact communities, particularly more rural parts of the state without many alternative news sources.

“We know that the math says that if you lose this many people who produce stories over a year’s time, that’s not replaceable,” said Benjy Hamm, director of the University of Kentucky’s Institute for Rural Journalism and Community Issues. “Hundreds and hundreds of stories [will] go untold now because of this loss.”

McClatchy laid off a total of 13 Herald-Leader staff–12 reporters and one editor–cutting the newsroom by 52 percent and eliminating entire beats, former Herald-Leader staffers said. Now, seven weeks before the November mid-term elections, the paper has two reporters in charge of covering Lexington city and state politics. And the paper lost its only Eastern Kentucky and environmental reporter.

“The fact that our company has been losing money is no secret, but I think layoffs of this scale were surprising to most people involved,” said Alex Acquisto, an award-winning statewide enterprise reporter covering politics and public health for the Herald-Leader and union guild representative who was laid off last week. She spearheaded the newspaper’s coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic before turning to the effects of climate disasters as well as the impacts of Kentucky’ s near-total abortion ban and transgender care bans.

And it’s not just the Lexington Herald-Leader – the media company laid off more than 90 employees across 13 newspapers in eight states last week, including The Miami Herald, The Sacramento Bee, The Kansas City Star, and The Lexington Herald-Leader, Kentucky’s second-largest newspaper.

The newspaper giant has gotten rid of staff and entire newspapers in recent years and has been plagued by debt and declining print revenue, even filing for bankruptcy in 2020. That same year, the formerly family-owned business was sold to the hedge fund Chatham Asset Management. In 2025, the company closed its Washington, D.C. bureau and sold two of its Georgia papers, The Macon Telegraph and The Columbus Ledger-Enquirer, to the state subsidiary of the National Trust for Local News this past July.

Kentucky’s rural press is shrinking with several areas considered news deserts. There are six counties in the Bluegrass state without a single news source and 88 with only one, according to a 2025 report from The State of Local News Project from Northwestern University’s Medill Local News Initiative.

Many small towns in Kentucky, including in Eastern Kentucky, have their own daily newspapers that publish an issue at least once a week, like Whitesburg’s The Mountain Eagle and Louisa’s The Levisa Laser.

But as community newspapers struggled to stay afloat, many of Kentucky’s small communities looked to The Herald-Leader for statewide news and their deep politics coverage to stay informed,, journalism experts said.

The daily newspaper’s only reporter based in Eastern Kentucky, Austin R. Ramsey, was one of the staffers impacted by the layoffs.

Acquisto argued that while the layoffs will ultimately hurt the news landscape of Fayette County, the cuts will be more severely felt in rural communities. “That isn’t to say that those communities still won’t look to the Herald-Leader for information, but the type of content that we give them is greatly impacted.”

Jennifer Brown, publisher, editor, and co-founder of the Hopkinsville digital news outlet The Hoptown Chronicle, said that she has relied on The Herald-Leader as a primary source for state political news for years. Most of the region’s available television news comes from stations based in Nashville, she said.

“Many people here are more informed about what’s going on in the Tennessee state government than they are [about] Kentucky,” she said, adding that she is a long-time subscriber to The Lexington Herald-Leader.

Brown worries that the layoffs will impact the newsroom’s institutional knowledge of communities and issues that its reporters have covered for years on their respective beats. .

Hamm, the director of the University of Kentucky’s Institute for Rural Journalism and Community Issues said though, that the full picture of how the newspaper’s layoffs will impact its coverage is still unclear. But he argued that the cuts would mean fewer watchdog reporters and less reliable information about how elected officials across the state are doing their jobs.

“There is no gain from cutting half your staff that’s beneficial for readership or the community,” Hamm said.

A spokesperson for McClatchy has yet to respond to a request for comment from Queer Kentucky.

A red HIV awareness ribbon on a white surface beside a pen, keyboard, and stethoscope.

Here’s How You Can Find an HIV-Competent Doctor in Kentucky

Since reporting began in 1982, more than 12,700 people have been diagnosed with HIV in Kentucky. Of those diagnoses, 58 percent of those reported infections progressed to AIDS, according to a 2025 state HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report.

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Being diagnosed with HIV can feel overwhelming, and recent federal policy changes, funding cuts, and proposed budget reductions have raised concerns about the future of HIV care and prevention across the country.

But there are still resources out there to connect people who have recently been diagnosed with the virus with good care.

Here is what some health care providers recommend HIV positive Kentuckians do to find the care they need.

Reach out to a primary care provider

Reaching out to a primary care provider for recommendations on how to find HIV-related care is a good first step, according to the National Library of Medicine.

However, some people in rural parts of Kentucky might struggle to find local providers with knowledge of treating a person living with HIV, or they may experience social stigma, according to Alice Thornton, a professor at the University of Kentucky, chief of its division of infectious diseases at its college of medicine and the project director for the Kentucky AIDS Education and Training Center.

“If they have a trusted local provider, they should be able to help,” she told Queer Kentucky. “Their primary care physician may be aware of options in their area and could be a starting place.”

Turn to The Bluegrass Care Clinic at the University of Kentucky

The Bluegrass Care Clinic at the University of Kentucky provides HIV-related care to 2,200 people across 63 counties, with about half of those patients living in rural areas, according to Thornton. The clinic offers a breadth of services for those with HIV and other infectious diseases, including transportation.

Prospective patients can reach a navigator nurse at (859) 323-1688.

Thornton added that the University of Kentucky also recently launched the LINK Project, a community health initiative meant to help those at increased risk for contracting HIV and Hepatitis C receive medical care and continue to get the care they need.

People with HIV can request information about HIV providers in their area by emailing [email protected].

“The LINK team can help with the handoff to care and can assist in removing barriers that the person may have in accessing services,” Thornton said.

Check out The Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program

The Bluegrass Care Clinic is part of a national, federally funded program called the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program, which provides a system of HIV primary medical care, medications, and essential support services for low-income people with the virus, according to the program’s website.

Thornton recommends that people looking for HIV care do some research on the program and what it provides because of the wealth of resources it supports. The program funds cities, counties, states, and local community-based organizations to provide HIV care, treatment, and services to more than 600,000 people across the country.

“All of our Ryan White Clinics across Kentucky are nationally renowned for their high-quality care, retention in care, and achievement of viral suppression,” said Jon Parker, CEO of AVOL Kentucky.

Every state and U.S. territory has a Health Resources & Services Administration-funded Ryan White Part B program, and Kentuckians can find a map of case managers and qualifying clinics on the state’s Cabinet for Health and Family Services website.

Kentucky is one of many U.S. states that also have Ryan White Part C and Part D programs, which deliver HIV care at greatly reduced or no cost to patients, Thornton said.

People can also find HIV testing sites and HIV care services provided through the Ryan White program via this national website. Those looking for a Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program medical provider can find one here.

The website allows users to enter a ZIP code and find a provider within a defined radius. Thornton urged rural Kentuckians to search for providers via the website within a 60- to 80-mile radius of their homes to help the site find programs close to their location.

Beshear’s National Rise Could Mean A Less Hands-On Approach at Home As Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear goes national, experts say his governing style may shift

Governor Andy Beshear will likely take a less hands-on approach to governing Kentucky as he tries to court a national constituency for a possible presidential run, political experts said.

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Beshear has been recognized for his boots-on-the-ground style of governance, like his hands-on approach to managing the December 2021 Western Kentucky tornado outbreak and the 2022 Eastern Kentucky floods.

This approach helped him win reelection in 2023. But Kentuckians will likely not see the same level of day-to-day management from the governor as he spends more time out of state and wades into more national political battles to prove that he is president material.

“Beshear is playing to a much larger constituency and walking around sodden fields in Western Kentucky isn’t going to do him a whole lot of political good at this point,” Stephen Voss, associate professor of political science at the University of Kentucky, told Queer Kentucky.

Beshear’s audience changed after he won his second term as a lame duck governor, said Kyle Kondick, managing editor of Sabato’s Crystal Ball, a nonpartisan weekly newsletter on politics. And he appears to have some interest in running for president.

While Beshear has not officially announced a 2028 presidential campaign, it is widely believed that he is positioning himself for a potential run. In 2023, he said that his gubernatorial re-election campaign may not be his last; he launched a federal super PAC called In This Together PAC in January 2024; he is embarking on a promotional tour for his book Go and Do Likewise, and he has taken part in some high-profile political fights.

“The biggest challenge Beshear faces as a non-grandstanding candidate is he still needs to convince Democratic primary voters that he’s got fight in him, that he’ll take the fight to Trump’s Republican Party,” said Voss.

“We’ll likely continue to see Beshear take positions on issues that might get national attention.”

Beshear recently jumped into the national conversation around the role of the United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency. During a Team Kentucky update last week, Beshear called ICE the “worst-trained, most aggressive law enforcement unit” he has ever seen when asked about a $20 million deal with the agency made to purchase shock gloves produced in Lexington.

He then called for every ICE agent to be “withdrawn, retrained, and actually taught what the law does and does not allow.”

These comments come shortly after Beshear has placed public pressure on Republican U.S. Senator Mitch McConnell during his prolonged absence from public life. He also recently entered an online spat with U.S. Senator Rand Paul after he criticized Beshear for not attending the Fancy Farm Picnic, a community festival and church fundraiser that serves as the unofficial start of Kentucky’s campaign season.

Kentuckians should also expect Beshear to make more decisions at home framed for a national Democratic audience, especially on Civil Rights, LGBTQ+ rights, and other values that conflict with the current GOP legislature, experts said.

Voss noted that Beshear will likely not change his position on those issues now that he has broader ambitions.

“Beshear has managed to serve as a voice in favor of LGBTQ+ rights, including trans rights, while doing it in a language that was not particularly provocative and that didn’t evoke a lot of opposition from his more moderate supporters,” he said.

Executive Director of The Fairness Campaign Chris Hartman noted that Beshear has supported LGBTQ+ rights “long before it was popular” and that he believes the governor will continue to do so.

“It’s still not popular, and the governor leaned into the protection of trans youth and their rights while he was running for reelection…and that is really rare.”

Democratic State Senator Keturah Herron added that she does not think Beshear’s stance on policy and governing style will change much throughout the remainder of his term.

“I think the governor will continue to govern Kentucky these last 16 months or so as he did on day one and throughout his term, with love, compassion, focusing on economic growth, public education, and keeping the main thing the main thing,” Herron wrote in an email to Queer Kentucky.

Beshear’s spokesperson Scottie Ellis said that the governor’s main priority will always be serving the people of Kentucky.

“The Governor has proven his commitment to our Commonwealth and his ability to balance the demands of the job and his personal responsibilities by delivering record-breaking investments and new jobs, maintaining safe roadways and bridges, helping the state overcome 16 federally declared weather disasters and more,” Ellis wrote in an email.

“The book tour presents another opportunity for Gov. Beshear to further showcase Kentucky on a national stage, as our commonwealth plays an important part in “Go and Do Likewise.”

U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY) speaks at a Senate hearing in Washington, D.C in May 2026.

50 Days, 50 Missed Votes: How McConnell’s Absence Is Stalling Kentucky’s Priorities From the farm bill to defense spending, Sen. Mitch McConnell's prolonged absence has left Kentucky without a decisive vote at a critical moment in Washington.

It has been over 50 days since U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell was hospitalized after falling in his Washington, D.C., home. During his prolonged absence from public life, the Republican lawmaker has missed 60 roll call votes and the unofficial start of the campaign season, Kentucky’s Fancy Farm Picnic.

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In late July, Gov. Andy Beshear, a Democrat, demanded that McConnell make a direct, public verbal address or video appearance to prove he is cognitively and physically able to serve or to resign. McConnell and his office have only released written updates with few details about the senator’s health. On Friday, McConnell released another statement saying that he had been discharged from the rehab center and will be doing physical therapy at home.

In his most recent statement, McConnell did not indicate when he would make a public appearance or return to work.

Beshear noted in his letter to McConnell that the country is facing numerous challenges in his absence that he is required to address as an elected official and former Senate Republican leader.

“President Trump is stuck in a war of his own making and has greatly strengthened the very country he claims is a threat. Prices continue to rise, crushing Americans who are working hard but not getting ahead,” Beshear wrote. “Americans’ voting rights are being eliminated by the Supreme Court and threatened by congressional action.”

Here’s a brief breakdown of how McConnell’s absence is impacting Kentuckians:

Kentuckians will not likely feel an impact on their day-to-day lives yet

Legal and politics experts noted that Kentuckians will likely not notice a difference in their lives just yet since McConnell’s staff is likely taking care of the daily operations required to keep existing federal programs running.

“I doubt there’s much harm being done,” said Al Cross, retired professor emeritus of journalism at the University of Kentucky School of Journalism. “McConnell has a very good staff; they can take care of all the business that Kentucky has.”

Farm Bill, Defense Authorization Act stalled

The long-time Republican senator holds influential positions in several key committees, including the Rules and Administration; Appropriations; and Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry committees. His long absence means he is no longer the deciding vote on committee panels where Republicans have a small majority over Democrats, like on the Appropriations Committee.

This means multiple pieces of legislation lawmakers are trying to push out of committee have stalled since McConnell is not present to cast a tie-breaking vote. Committee leaders have also had to repeatedly delay or cancel scheduled markups and hearings for fiscal year funding bills due to the senator’s ill health.

McConnell’s absence has directly impacted the advancement of the federal farm bill, a major package of laws that impacts food and farming across the country, that is renewed roughly once every five years. Arkansas Sen. John Boozman (R ), chair of the Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry, cast a yes vote last week for the bill on McConnell’s behalf. While Senate rules do allow lawmakers the chance to vote by proxy in some cases, Boozman’s by-proxy vote for McConnell did not count due to specific committee rules.

The package sets national policy on agriculture, nutrition, conservation, and rural development, with nutrition being the largest part of it, which includes multiple food assistance programs, like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), formerly known as food stamps.

Nearly 560,000 Kentuckians received SNAP funds in July of this year alone, according to data from the Cabinet for Health and Family Services.

The House-passed version of the package does not expand the program and maintains cuts that were enacted last year. It also supports requiring states with SNAP error rates above 6 percent to cover a percentage of the program’s benefit cost based on a sliding scale. Before, the program was completely federally funded.

McConnell’s weeks-long absence prevented Republicans from having enough votes to move the bill out of committee along party lines ahead of its August recess.

The 84-year-old senator serves as the chairman of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense, and his lengthy absence has stalled national defense spending. His absence leaves the committee panel at a 14-14 partisan tie, preventing Republicans from passing defense appropriations or military funding packages against a unified Democratic opposition.

The National Defense Authorization Act for fiscal year 2027 passed the House but has faced delays in the Senate, in part, due to McConnell’s absence. Democrats are opposing the bill in protest of the Trump administration’s ongoing war with Iran and over the bill’s proposed $1.15 trillion budget for national security, which they argue is an excessive increase coupled with cuts to domestic and non-defense programs.

Democrats have also raised concerns over the inclusion of extreme-right provisions targeting the LGBTQ+ community in the annual spending bill and provisions that appear designed to more closely tie together U.S. and Israeli militaries.

A House-passed version of the bill included an anti-transgender amendment that prohibits gender-related medical care under TRICARE, the healthcare program for members of the armed forces and their families. The provision also bars the program from covering the cost of gender-related medical procedures and treatments. Congress also passed an amendment to the bill that bans transgender girls from taking part in female sports at Department of Defense Activity schools.

Republicans hold a small majority in the Senate, at 53-47, and McConnell’s continuing absence has tightened that margin.

Potentially delayed some harmful Trump administration priorities

McConnell’s absence, in general, means that Republican lawmakers hold a little bit less power at the federal level, which some left-leaning elected officials have argued might be useful for the state and the country as a whole.

Gov. Beshear told Bloomberg’s Joe Mathieu that McConnell’s ongoing absence means Republicans potentially can not count on his vote for the SAVE Act if the measure comes to the floor. Under the broader reiteration of the bill dubbed the SAVE America Act, voters would be required to show documents to prove their citizenship in person at the polling sites. Americans who have legally changed their names because of marriage or to better align with their gender identity might find this new requirement particularly challenging to meet.

“Not having Mitch McConnell show up isn’t necessarily a bad thing because he certainly doesn’t show up to help the American people.”

Mitch McConnell behind a podium and pointing.

Mitch McConnell Discharged from Rehab Center, Returns Home for Physical Therapy

Kentucky Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell announced on Tuesday that he had been released from the rehab facility he was staying at following a fall several weeks ago.

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“On the advice of my doctors, I’ll maintain an intensive regimen of physical therapy from home during the state work period, and I’ll continue to engage with my staff and colleagues on important Senate business,” he said in a statement.

McConnell, 84, has not made a public appearance since being hospitalized on June 14 following what he described in a statement as a fall that left him “briefly unconscious.”

“My doctors have confirmed that I didn’t break any bones or suffer a concussion. I didn’t have a heart attack or a stroke. I don’t have any tumors or hemorrhages,” he said in a statement in June.

RELATED: What Can a Governor Do If a Sitting Senator Disappears?

His office published additional statements in late July saying he is still having “intense physical therapy.”

Questions have been raised about his ability to serve the remainder of his term, which ends in January 2027. Conspiracy theories emerged after McConnell’s office released two images of the senator with his wife, Elaine Chao.

Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear, a likely 2028 presidential contender, has called for McConnell to resign if he cannot serve in office anymore.

“I am calling on you to directly and verbally address the people of Kentucky and provide proof of your capacity to serve, or resign,” Beshear wrote to McConnell late last month, according to the Associated Press.

McConnell’s absence has put a spotlight on a 2024 state law that changed how an empty U.S. Senate seat could be filled. Instead of the governor being allowed to select a temporary senator, it instead requires a special election to serve out the remaining term of the seat. McConnell’s term expires in January 2027.

Beshear vetoed the law, but the GOP-controlled legislature overrode the veto. There are competing claims to what could happen if a vacancy should emerge.

Kentucky’s Competing Laws Make a Senate Vacancy Anything But Simple

Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell’s extended hospital stay has sparked more than conspiracy theories and proof-of-life memes. It’s raised a question Kentucky politicians and officials are grappling with: If a vacancy were to occur, who decides who will represent Kentucky in the U.S. Senate? 

McConnell, 84, has not made a public appearance since being hospitalized on June 14 following what he described in a statement as a fall that left him “briefly unconscious.” “My doctors have confirmed that I didn’t break any bones or suffer a concussion. I didn’t have a heart attack or a stroke. I don’t have any tumors or hemorrhages,” he said. His office published additional statements in late July saying he is still having “intense physical therapy.”

While his office has issued assurances that McConnell is stable and pushing through a rigorous regimen of physical therapy, two recently released bedside photos with his wife Elaine Chao have been mocked for their “staged” vibes, fueling speculation ranging from claims that the senator is on life support to suggestions that he is purposely convalescing to avoid dealing with the SAVE Act. For some, his absence at Fancy Farm was the last straw, and Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear has been leading the charge among Democrats to call for the senator’s resignation. Were he to do so, what follows isn’t straightforward.

RELATED: What Can a Governor Do If a Sitting Senator Disappears?

“It’s actually pretty complicated,” Joshua A. Douglas, a professor and associate dean for research at the University of Kentucky Rosenberg College of Law, told Queer Kentucky. “And I think there’s a decent chance the issue could end up in the courts.”

To be clear, McConnell may be absent from the Senate floor, but he still has the seat — though senators are not permitted to vote when absent. McConnell has missed 46 votes since being hospitalized, and the empty chair has generated interest in an unresolved constitutional question involving Kentucky law and competing U.S. constitutional provisions.

Wielding a vote, a senator can affect federal legislation like the Equality Act, approve funding for programs including HIV prevention and treatment, and influence judicial confirmations that could be highly consequential for LGBTQ+ rights, such as marriage equality and trans protections.

In Kentucky, competing state laws are creating uncertainty about how a vacancy would be filled, should one arise — typically, this would happen as a result of death, resignation or expulsion from the Senate.

“Before 2024, Kentucky law allowed the governor to appoint a successor if there is a vacancy from a list of three people provided by the outgoing senator’s party,” explained Douglas. “But the legislature passed a new law in 2024, House Bill 622, that takes away the governor’s authority to fill a vacancy.”

That bill had been introduced in the wake of McConnell’s February 28, 2024, announcement that he would step down as Senate Republican leader, while serving the remainder of his term. While the bill was winding its way through Kentucky’s General Assembly, Beshear, a Democrat, vetoed it, but Kentucky’s GOP-controlled House and Senate overrode the veto.

“So, if there is a vacancy, the governor would call a special election,” said Douglas.

But it’s tricky.

RELATED: Sorry, Thomas Massie Is Not Running for McConnell’s Senate Seat

“The Kentucky Constitution Section 152 seems to contradict this,” Douglas told Queer Kentucky, quoting the provision’s language: “Vacancies in all offices for the state at large, or for districts larger than a county, shall be filled by appointment of the governor.”

And it gets more complicated when the 17th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is taken into account. It establishes a federal framework, but how that framework interacts with Kentucky’s constitution and current statute is where things get murky.

The amendment permits a governor to make a temporary appointment until the vacancy is filled by election, if state law allows such appointments. Most states permit a governor to make a temporary appointment as per the 17th Amendment, and Kentucky law allowed this for about 80 years, until 2021, when McConnell and fellow Republicans backed a bill that was passed by the Republican-controlled legislature, which restricted how Beshear might fill a vacancy.

Per Kentucky’s current statute (HB 622), that would involve a special election. The person would only serve for the remainder of the current term, said Douglas. There would still be a regular election for the term that starts January 3, 2027, when the next U.S. Congress begins.

“Hence the contradiction,” he said, “The 17th Amendment says the legislature may authorize the governor to appoint a temporary replacement, the Kentucky Constitution says the governor appoints one, and the Kentucky legislature now says there must be a special election after the new law.”

Timing adds another layer of uncertainty.

While the current law says that there is a 63-day deadline for notice and a 56-day deadline for filing, Douglas said he doesn’t see a deadline requirement for the governor to call the special election.

“I don’t see anything in the law providing a deadline for when the Governor must call the special election. But the 63-day notice and 56-day deadline for filing certainly impacts this all.”

Considering that November 3 is the scheduled general election day to determine who will replace McConnell at the end of his term, Beshear would have to issue a “proclamation” that sheriffs receive by September 1. County sheriffs are responsible for giving public notice of elections. So Candidates would need to file by September 8 if the special election were to be held by November 3.

If those deadlines are not met, it’s unclear when the special election would be held to fill the remainder of McConnell’s term, should the seat become vacant. That raises the question as to whether the special election could be held on or after the scheduled general election on November 3 to determine who serves the new six-year Senate term starting January 2027.

RELATED: Mitch McConnell’s Health: Why Congress Owes You Nothing

All things considered, given the latest change in current law enacted by Republican legislators in 2024 (HB 622), the most likely outcome would be a special election with a good chance the matter gets taken up by the Kentucky court system – potentially working its way from Circuit Court to Kentucky Court of Appeals to the Supreme Court of Kentucky – to address the question as to whether the governor has the constitutional authority or obligation to make a temporary appointment.

As for working its way up to SCOTUS? It probably won’t reach the U.S. Supreme Court, because it’s really a matter of Kentucky constitutional law, and also, the 17th Amendment permits a state legislature (governor) to make a temporary appointment – but doesn’t require it.

With Republicans holding a narrow majority of 53-47, even a temporary vacancy – or a Democrat appointee – could affect legislation and political dynamics for the whole country. While Republican U.S. Rep. Andy Barr and Democrat Charles Booker are on course to challenge each other in the general election for McConnell’s seat, it’s not a given that they would be selected to face off against each other in a special election. That uncertainty of timing, authority, and eventually who is on the ballot is probably going to remain unresolved until McConnell’s seat becomes vacant or his term simply ends. 

Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell’s extended hospital stay has sparked more than conspiracy theories and proof-of-life memes. It’s raised a question Kentucky politicians and officials are grappling with: If a vacancy were to occur, who decides who will represent Kentucky in the U.S. Senate? 

McConnell, 84, has not made a public appearance since being hospitalized on June 14 following what he described in a statement as a fall that left him “briefly unconscious.” “My doctors have confirmed that I didn’t break any bones or suffer a concussion. I didn’t have a heart attack or a stroke. I don’t have any tumors or hemorrhages,” he said. His office published additional statements in late July saying he is still having “intense physical therapy.”

While his office has issued assurances that McConnell is stable and pushing through a rigorous regimen of physical therapy, two recently released bedside photos with his wife Elaine Chao have been mocked for their “staged” vibes, fueling speculation ranging from claims that the senator is on life support to suggestions that he is purposely convalescing to avoid dealing with the SAVE Act. For some, his absence at Fancy Farm was the last straw, and Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear has been leading the charge among Democrats to call for the senator’s resignation. Were he to do so, what follows isn’t straightforward.

RELATED: What Can a Governor Do If a Sitting Senator Disappears?

“It’s actually pretty complicated,” Joshua A. Douglas, a professor and associate dean for research at the University of Kentucky Rosenberg College of Law, told Queer Kentucky. “And I think there’s a decent chance the issue could end up in the courts.”

To be clear, McConnell may be absent from the Senate floor, but he still has the seat — though senators are not permitted to vote when absent. McConnell has missed 46 votes since being hospitalized, and the empty chair has generated interest in an unresolved constitutional question involving Kentucky law and competing U.S. constitutional provisions.

Wielding a vote, a senator can affect federal legislation like the Equality Act, approve funding for programs including HIV prevention and treatment, and influence judicial confirmations that could be highly consequential for LGBTQ+ rights, such as marriage equality and trans protections.

In Kentucky, competing state laws are creating uncertainty about how a vacancy would be filled, should one arise — typically, this would happen as a result of death, resignation or expulsion from the Senate.

“Before 2024, Kentucky law allowed the governor to appoint a successor if there is a vacancy from a list of three people provided by the outgoing senator’s party,” explained Douglas. “But the legislature passed a new law in 2024, House Bill 622, that takes away the governor’s authority to fill a vacancy.”

That bill had been introduced in the wake of McConnell’s February 28, 2024, announcement that he would step down as Senate Republican leader, while serving the remainder of his term. While the bill was winding its way through Kentucky’s General Assembly, Beshear, a Democrat, vetoed it, but Kentucky’s GOP-controlled House and Senate overrode the veto.

“So, if there is a vacancy, the governor would call a special election,” said Douglas.

But it’s tricky.

RELATED: Sorry, Thomas Massie Is Not Running for McConnell’s Senate Seat

“The Kentucky Constitution Section 152 seems to contradict this,” Douglas told Queer Kentucky, quoting the provision’s language: “Vacancies in all offices for the state at large, or for districts larger than a county, shall be filled by appointment of the governor.”

And it gets more complicated when the 17th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is taken into account. It establishes a federal framework, but how that framework interacts with Kentucky’s constitution and current statute is where things get murky.

The amendment permits a governor to make a temporary appointment until the vacancy is filled by election, if state law allows such appointments. Most states permit a governor to make a temporary appointment as per the 17th Amendment, and Kentucky law allowed this for about 80 years, until 2021, when McConnell and fellow Republicans backed a bill that was passed by the Republican-controlled legislature, which restricted how Beshear might fill a vacancy.

Per Kentucky’s current statute (HB 622), that would involve a special election. The person would only serve for the remainder of the current term, said Douglas. There would still be a regular election for the term that starts January 3, 2027, when the next U.S. Congress begins.

“Hence the contradiction,” he said, “The 17th Amendment says the legislature may authorize the governor to appoint a temporary replacement, the Kentucky Constitution says the governor appoints one, and the Kentucky legislature now says there must be a special election after the new law.”

Timing adds another layer of uncertainty.

While the current law says that there is a 63-day deadline for notice and a 56-day deadline for filing, Douglas said he doesn’t see a deadline requirement for the governor to call the special election.

“I don’t see anything in the law providing a deadline for when the Governor must call the special election. But the 63-day notice and 56-day deadline for filing certainly impacts this all.”

Considering that November 3 is the scheduled general election day to determine who will replace McConnell at the end of his term, Beshear would have to issue a “proclamation” that sheriffs receive by September 1. County sheriffs are responsible for giving public notice of elections. So Candidates would need to file by September 8 if the special election were to be held by November 3.

If those deadlines are not met, it’s unclear when the special election would be held to fill the remainder of McConnell’s term, should the seat become vacant. That raises the question as to whether the special election could be held on or after the scheduled general election on November 3 to determine who serves the new six-year Senate term starting January 2027.

RELATED: Mitch McConnell’s Health: Why Congress Owes You Nothing

All things considered, given the latest change in current law enacted by Republican legislators in 2024 (HB 622), the most likely outcome would be a special election with a good chance the matter gets taken up by the Kentucky court system – potentially working its way from Circuit Court to Kentucky Court of Appeals to the Supreme Court of Kentucky – to address the question as to whether the governor has the constitutional authority or obligation to make a temporary appointment.

As for working its way up to SCOTUS? It probably won’t reach the U.S. Supreme Court, because it’s really a matter of Kentucky constitutional law, and also, the 17th Amendment permits a state legislature (governor) to make a temporary appointment – but doesn’t require it.

With Republicans holding a narrow majority of 53-47, even a temporary vacancy – or a Democrat appointee – could affect legislation and political dynamics for the whole country. While Republican U.S. Rep. Andy Barr and Democrat Charles Booker are on course to challenge each other in the general election for McConnell’s seat, it’s not a given that they would be selected to face off against each other in a special election. That uncertainty of timing, authority, and eventually who is on the ballot is probably going to remain unresolved until McConnell’s seat becomes vacant or his term simply ends. 

Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., attends the annual Fancy Farm picnic Saturday, Aug. 2, 2025, in Fancy Farm, Ky. (AP Photo/Mark Humphrey)

What Can a Governor Do If a Sitting Senator Disappears?

It’s been more than six weeks since U.S. Senator Mitch McConnell was hospitalized after a fall in his home in June, raising questions about his ability to serve the remainder of his term, which ends in January 2027. 

Because of McConnell’s absence and the lack of information about his health condition, Kentucky Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear and others have called on McConnell to step aside if he cannot continue in the role. However, Beshear can’t do much to replace the former Republican leader amid his continued absence from public life, legal experts told Queer Kentucky.  

This is not the first time that an elected official has seemingly vanished recently. New Jersey Republican U.S. Rep. Tom Kean Jr missed more than 140 votes earlier this year during a 142-day absence from public life. He eventually revealed that he had been hospitalized with severe depression. Florida Democratic U.S. Rep. Frederica Wilson was mysteriously absent from public life this year, missing more than 40 House votes due to eye surgery. 

McConnell’s team has released photos and statements to address rumors around the senator’s health, but his team has provided little detail on the status of his recovery. 

Queer Kentucky reached out to Beshear and McConnell’s offices with questions on what the elected officials plan to do next. Neither responded.

Here’s a brief breakdown of what Beshear can do to replace McConnell. 

Apply pressure on McConnell to resign

Beshear does not have any legislatively granted power to remove a U.S. Senator from his post, multiple legal experts said. But what he can do is apply pressure on McConnell and his team to have the senator step down if he is incapacitated and unable to do his job. 

“He has sort of the power of the podium to be able to advocate but no formal power,” said Quinn Yeargain, an associate professor of constitutional and criminal law at Michigan State University. 

This is what Beshear attempted to do earlier this week. On Monday, Beshear sent McConnell a letter giving the Republican senator an ultimatum to prove he can still serve or resign. 

“As Governor of the state you serve, I am calling on you to directly and verbally address the people of Kentucky and provide proof of your capacity to serve, or resign,” Beshear wrote. 

Beshear added in the letter that a Senate vacancy happens when “a senator dies, resigns, or is expelled by a vote of the Senate itself,” and warned that if McConnell did not show proof that he was still fit to serve, he would urge Senate GOP Leader John Thune to begin the process of his expulsion.

RELATED: Mitch McConnell’s Health: Why Congress Owes You Nothing

Hold a special election if McConnell is forced to leave office

The U.S. Senate can not vote to remove a senator because they are ill, incapacitated, or absent because there is not a recognized constitutional ground that triggers that formal process, legal experts said. 

“It really doesn’t matter if he [McConnell] slips into a vegetative state because he is still alive, and there’s nothing that could be done about that,” said Sanford Levinson, a constitutional law professor at the University of Texas. “That’s a terrible feature of the Constitution.” 

The Senate does have the power to hold a vote to expel a senator for misconduct. But even if that vote were to happen, the Senate would need a two-thirds vote in favor of removing McConnell to expel him from his seat. 

If McConnell leaves office, it’s a bit unclear what Beshear can do to replace him. 

A Kentucky governor used to be able to appoint a temporary U.S. senator from an approved list provided by the departing senator’s political party until a special election was held. 

But Kentucky lawmakers repealed that statute in state law during 2024. Now, the law requires the governor to hold a special election to fill vacancies in Senate or House seats.

Some legal experts argue that under Section 152 of the Kentucky Constitution, a special election must be called to fill a vacant seat if there are more than three months between a vacancy and an election. Monday, August 3 marks that three-month deadline for Beshear. Beshear, however, stated that date “has no legal impact on my options should a vacancy occur this year.” 

The governor is also required by law to issue an official writ or proclamation announcing the special election at least 63 days before the election date, legal experts told Queer Kentucky. And political parties, groups, or independent candidates must file certificates or notifications of nomination at least 56 days before the election. 

But, Yeargain added, there is a legal argument based on a provision in the Kentucky Constitution that states if there is no other way established by law to fill a vacancy, the governor has the power to fill the vacancy. But this argument has not been tested in Kentucky after lawmakers recently changed how such vacancies can be filled,, according to Yeargain.  

Beshear could try to rely on this clause to argue that he does have the power to appoint a replacement for McConnell if his seat becomes suddenly vacant. But, Yeargain said, that decision would likely spark a state legal battle in Kentucky state courts and potentially in federal court.  

“It queues up a real conflict,” Yeargain said.

RELATED: Sorry, Thomas Massie Is Not Running for McConnell’s Senate Seat

Do nothing

Beshear could also simply not take any steps to replace McConnell. Kentucky has not had a Democratic senator since 1992, which suggests that a Democrat might not be able to win an election to replace McConnell in a special election

Beshear has publicly said McConnell missing votes could actually be a good thing for Democrats since the lawmaker can not do any harm in his absence. 

“McConnell hasn’t been there to vote on the SAVE Act, which would tear voting rights away. He hasn’t been there to vote to support this war in Iran that this president started and shouldn’t be continuing,” Beshear told Bloomberg’s Joe Mathieu.

“Not having Mitch McConnell show up isn’t necessarily a bad thing because he certainly doesn’t show up to help the American people.” 

Queer Kentucky Annual Report 2025 in front of a dancing crowd at night.

ANNUAL REPORT: Queer Kentucky Reported 30% More Stories on 42% Less Funding

8 million readers: even with a funding shortfall due to the political climate, the only LGBTQ+ newsroom in Kentucky saw growth and national attention.

Queer Kentucky, the Commonwealth’s only LGBTQ+-dedicated newsroom, which reached 8 million readers, recently released its annual report for 2025, highlighting the news outlet’s work despite a sharp decline in funding.

“It tells the real story about what’s been going on with Queer Kentucky this past year, good and bad, including the fact that we’ve got challenges and that we need support. But in the midst of all that, we’re doing great work,” John Reisert, president of the board of directors of Queer Kentucky said.

The organization published 262 stories — about a 30% increase from the previous year — and reached 8 million readers — a more than 400% increase from 2025, according to the report.

“Eight million people heard the stories of LGBTQ+ Kentuckians last year, and I think that matters more than people realize. We’re not just filling a coverage gap. We’re actively rewriting the national narrative on what Kentucky looks like,” Missy Spears, Queer Kentucky’s executive director, said.

Queer Kentucky and its team received several national recognitions. Founder and former executive director Spencer Jenkins and Queer Kentucky were nominated for Best Print Magazine Article at the GLAAD Media Awards for the 2024 article “Noah J. Ricketts Brings the Bluegrass to Hollywood and Broadway” in the Reimagining Masculinity Queer Kentucky print publication. Queer Kentucky was also nominated by GLAAD in 2026 for Outstanding Independent Journalism.

Missy Spears was named one of GO! Magazine’s 2025 Top 100 Queer Women and served as a Grand Marshal of the Cincinnati Pride parade. She also received the Jeanne Córdova Award from NLGJA: The Association of LGBTQ+ Journalists, one of the highest honors in queer media.

The report also noted that Queer Kentucky’s coverage has grown beyond Kentucky’s urban centers, now including Northern Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky, and Appalachian communities.

In 2025, the newsroom shifted its focus to civic literacy, providing more news out of Frankfort. Queer Kentucky also hosted in-person events that brought journalists and the community together.

The team delivered research-driven stories, highlighting the challenges faced by LGBTQ+ Kentuckians as health policies shift with the current administration. The organization also emphasized harm reduction and public health, publishing more stories about resources across the state. The work goes beyond the words. The Queer Kentucky team also distributed more than 300 HIV self-test kits across Kentucky alongside continued coverage to raise awareness.

The report showed the continued partnership with researchers from Kentucky’s Moore Lab to create a public resource survey on LGBTQ+ health data in Kentucky, which began in 2024. That survey reached thousands of Kentuckians in 2025.

“A GLAAD nomination and the Jeanne Cordova Award in the same year is national recognition for queer Kentucky voices, and it means something. But we also had 4,100 LGBTQ+ Kentuckians answer our call to collect data that nobody else was collecting,” Spears said. “That’s the work. The awards and nominations are really fun, but the data is how we prove our community’s needs are real and form the blueprint for our journalism coverage.”

The report also details how funding has decreased across the board for nonprofits in the US, including Queer Kentucky. The report shows the organization lost almost 42% of its total funding.

Even with the financial situation, Reisert said the news outlet still fulfilled its mission.

“We took a huge cut to our budget, and that should have impacted what we’re able to do. Yet, we seemingly did even more than the previous year in terms of coverage. We’re still making an impact,” he said.

The current administration’s federal grant-funding changes last year impacted the organization, Reisert said.

“Money that was earmarked or available to organizations like ours in the past isn’t now. It was also an eye-opener for us… that we should look at how we fund our work and find different ways to do it,” Reisert said.

Now, the organization is looking ahead and expanding its storytelling footprint in areas like Western Kentucky, starting in Paducah.

“Paducah is gay. I will scream that from the hilltops,” Spears said. “Paducah boasts one of the most LGBTQ+ friendly downtowns, a fairness ordinance going back a decade, and hosts the only lesbian film festival in the country.”

The expansion isn’t a new idea, she noted. It’s the result of groundwork laid well before this year’s report, Spears said. “We’ve been forming relationships in the community since 2023 and are excited to strengthen and expand our network over the next few years. Louisville and Lexington aren’t going anywhere, [and] our job has always been to highlight the Kentuckians that get left out of the conversation.”

For Reisert, that mission carries a particular urgency.

“We live in a red state, and Kentucky is doing as much or more than any other red state in the country when it comes to initiatives targeting queer and trans folks,” he said. “If you don’t report on it, it’s just going to happen with no light shining upon it, and there will be no way to resist it.”

A young performer in red sings on the Viva Glam stage at NYC Youth Pride, part of The Future Perfect Project's programming

Queer Youth Podcast ‘I’m Feeling Queer Today’ Returns for Season 4

Queer youth take the mic in the podcast “I’m Feeling Queer Today,” which returns for its fourth season on July 30.

The podcast is one of the tentpole offerings from “The Future Perfect Project,” a nonprofit co-founded by Celeste Lecesne, who also co-founded The Trevor Project.

But while The Trevor Project offers crisis intervention and advocacy for queer youth, its sister organization focuses on a different goal: free professional artistic mentorship to give queer youth a creative and artistic outlet.

“We cannot forget about the arts,” said The Future Perfect executive director David Artavia. “Our big mission is showing that the arts are crisis intervention and always have been. We’re trying to remind the world to give young people an opportunity [for artistic expression] so that it doesn’t turn into a crisis. Art has always been that for people, and when it gets defunded, those opportunities become fewer.”

“I’m Feeling Queer Today” is hosted and produced by LGBTQ+ young people ages 16 to 22 who live all over the U.S. Over 12 episodes, the hosts sit down with artists shaping queer culture like drag queen Pattie Gonia, actor and comedian Oscar Montoya (“Dimension 20,” “Minx”), writers Armistead Maupin, Tessa Barcelo and Gio Navas (“The Bookish Songs Collective”) and archivist and historian Donna Albino.

“The young people who find their way to The Future Perfect Project come because they have something to say to the world,” said co-founder Lecesne in an email interview. “Art is this deep driving desire that motivates them to reach out beyond themselves and become part of our ever-expanding network. No one needs to tell young people that creativity is a human right; they are living proof. They feel it in their bodies and they live it with their lives. All you have to do is take a look at some of their work on our website to know that this is true. By daring to express themselves, they are showing us what the future looks like, sounds like, feels like.”

What’s on season 4 of the “I’m Feeling Queer Today” podcast?

Season 4 of the podcast is broken into four sections of episodes airing every other week, focusing on queer literature, drag, queer fantasticals and journalism and radio. The hosts of this season are Alex K. Masse, Eric Eubank, Lily Ariel Mueller, Parker Mackenzie, Samuel Smalls Jr., and Zorian Edwards. The outline is as follows:

  • Queer Lit (July 30 to Aug. 27): Featuring writers Armistead Maupin, Tessa Barcelo and Gio Navas of “The Bookish Songs Collective” on LGBTQ+ people in books
  • Drag (Sept. 10 – Sept. 24): Featuring drag artist Pattiegonia, Junior Mintt, drag archivist Sarah Calise, The Lexapro, Klondyke, and Paradox, on craft and joy in the drag art form
  • Queer Fantasticals (Oct. 8 – Nov. 19): Featuring actor and comedian Oscar Montoya, speaking on fantasy writers building worlds where queer kids get to be heroes
  • Journalism and Radio (Dec. 3 – Dec. 31): Featuring archivist and historian Donna Albino, speaking on telling queer stories for a living

In each season of the podcast, the cohort records for eight months and coordinates with producers to complete the project. By the end of the season, participants can use the podcast as clips to continue their artistic careers.

“These young people are so talented,” Artavia said. “They are so creative and they have nowhere to put it, because there’s nothing around them that is supportive of their creative obsessions. We help them develop their voice, whatever their artistic expression is. That’s why we really give them the mic here for the podcast, and encourage them to find the topics they’re passionate about.”

Artavia also said he hopes to push The Future Perfect Project into more of a spotlight this season and “tell the world what we’ve been doing all this time.” Ideally, the nonprofit will be able to form more coalitions with other partner organizations and facilitate more incubators.

“We are in a defunding crisis, and now is the time for everyone to say this,” Artavia said. “So many kids have told us, ‘adults care about me dying but no one seems to care about me living.’ Queer youth need expression and activities and something to do. That’s where we’re trying to fill that gap.”

You can find “I’m Feeling Queer Today” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts or wherever you get your podcasts. If you’re interested in The Future Perfect Project’s programming, you can sign up for the mailing list here. To apply for the fall 2026 Writer’s Room, click here. For more information on The Future Perfect Project or to apply for upcoming programs, visit thefutureperfectproject.org.

Senator Mitch McConnell, seated, smiles alongside his wife, former U.S. Secretary of Transportation Elaine Chao, who stands beside him with her hand on his shoulder in an office setting

Mitch McConnell’s Health: Why Congress Owes You Nothing

Where is Mitch? Who is my senator right now? Is he even alive?

Following a rather prolonged absence from his job, questions arose as to the whereabouts (and breathing status) of the senior senator from Kentucky, Mitch McConnell.

The questions themselves were not unfounded. Given his age, 84, and his numerous lost battles with gravity, coupled with his on-air moments of freezes that earned the moniker “Glitch McConnell”, voters in the Commonwealth of Kentucky were curious what is up, and what information is owed to us in situations like this?

As people around the country joined in, the short and probably infuriating answer to what information was owed is: Nothing at all.

Unlike the presidency, which operates under strict succession protocols and medical reporting, Congress functions under a veil of legally protected secrecy. Getting a straight answer when a member goes missing in action isn’t just difficult—the system was explicitly engineered that way.

In comparison, if the President undergoes a routine procedure under anesthesia, the 25th Amendment triggers a formal, temporary transfer of executive power to the vice president. The White House physician releases a detailed medical memo, and the public is kept informed.

For a sitting United States Senator or Representative, no such accountability exists.

Members of Congress are independent constitutional officers under Article I of the U.S. Constitution. In other words, members of Congress are independent contractors of our votes. They are Uber drivers for a republic democracy.

Since they are not executive employees, no similar medical mandates exist for health disclosures. There is no statute, House rule, or Senate regulation forcing a legislator to disclose hospital stays, medical diagnoses, or cognitive declines.

And, since the people who elect them are their technical bosses, remember Uber, neither the Speaker of the House nor the Senate Majority Leader has the constitutional authority to declare a colleague “incapacitated.” A member is either sworn in or the seat is vacant—there is no formal “sick leave.” If called to work, taking a vote on the Capitol floor or in committee, an absence just amounts to a missed vote. Similar to someone who missed a flight, got stuck in traffic, or had a stomach ache, it is just business as usual.

Unless a member voluntarily resigns, dies, or faces an extraordinary two-thirds expulsion vote by their peers (see George Santos…diva), the seat remains theirs—even if it sits empty for months while constituents go completely unrepresented.

When a seat finally becomes vacant, federalism, our lovely split function of government, places the rules into two wildly different systems.

The House of Representatives is fairly straightforward. Article I, Section 2 mandates that House vacancies must be filled through special elections called by the state’s governor. Governors cannot hand-pick a temporary replacement. If a representative steps down or passes away, that congressional district simply goes without a voice until voters go to the polls.

The Senate, where the Mitch of it all arises, is a little, or, lot more confusing. Under the 17th Amendment, state legislatures decide how Senate vacancies are handled. Most delegate temporary appointment power to their governor, but state laws vary wildly:

Governors in states like California or New York have unrestricted appointments and can immediately appoint anyone of their choosing to fill the seat until the next general election. Strangely enough, Kentucky’s process has seen a pretty recent development. In 2024, Kentucky lawmakers passed House Bill 622 that took away the Governor’s power to appoint a temporary replacement. Under the revised law, the Governor issues a proclamation calling an election, with the winner serving the remainder of the unexpired term.

Further complicating matters, Section 152 of the Kentucky Constitution authorizes the Governor to appoint a replacement. The 17th Amendment already says that state legislatures can determine how this issue is handled, which conflicts with the state Constitution. Adherence to the 2024 law may seem to follow the 17th Amendment, but how does that fit within the framework of the state Constitution?

Is there a reason for the differing succession laws and little to no requirement for transparency? Due to the openness of the federal law (17th Amendment), state legislatures routinely manipulate succession laws right before an aging or ill senator steps down to favor their own party, see the 2024 bill. State control creates deep inequality: A constituent in one state might get an appointed senator within days, while a constituent in a neighboring state endured a half-year vacancy awaiting a special election.

The absence of clarity in some states and the lack of time to prepare for death or incapacitation has actually moved the needle of progress. Before modern primary elections, state party bosses solved sudden Senate vacancies using a cynical political convention known as the “Widow’s Succession.” Governors who wanted to avoid bloody primary fights over a vacant seat would appoint the deceased senator’s widow. The widow was expected to act as a quiet “placeholder”—keeping the chair warm, voting the party line, and stepping aside when the next official election arrived. This patronizing political trick unintentionally cracked open the door for women in the federal government.

In 1922, the United States had our first female senator. As a publicity stunt to appeal to the newly allowed-to-vote women, Rebecca Latimer Felton was appointed after the death of Sen. Thomas E. Watson. She was sworn in and served for a whopping 24 hours before her elected male successor took over—becoming the first woman in the U.S. Senate.

But getting back to the current Mitch predicament, none of these succession issues matter if the “proof of life” photo shared along with a statement purporting to assuage concerns and rumors, are to be believed.

Therein lies the issue:Many question why nothing has come out besides that photo and limited information. The act itself has done little to tamp down speculation, and the public is clamoring for something more. The public struggle to get clear information about absent leaders boils down to a structural conflict: individual constitutional privacy vs. democratic accountability.

Because the U.S. Constitution provides no mandate for medical transparency in Congress, disclosures remain entirely voluntary. Combined with 50 distinct state succession laws, the system inherently shields politicians—leaving constituents guessing until an official resignation occurs or an empty seat forces the government’s hand.

At the core of the issue is a fundamental clash of rights. While voters naturally expect transparency from those elected to represent them, members of Congress are individually protected by federal privacy laws like HIPAA. Because there is no statutory mandate or constitutional requirement forcing federal legislators to publish personal medical logs or report extended hospitalizations, any updates released to the public are purely voluntary.

Politically, the incentives are overwhelmingly aligned toward silence. A lawmaker’s power in Washington relies heavily on perceived strength, committee seniority, and vote counts. Admitting to a severe illness or long-term cognitive decline can instantly trigger primary challenges, provoke calls for resignation, or jeopardize their party’s tight legislative margins. As a result, congressional communications staff routinely resort to vague press statements or prolonged silence, framing absences as routine rest rather than significant incapacity.

Kentuckians demand answers. Americans demand answers. Unfortunately, within our political system, no answers are owed to either.

Rocky Adkins speaks on the floor of the Kentucky House of Representatives

Rocky Adkins, EKY Democrat and Beshear Advisor, Announces Run for Kentucky Governor

Former Kentucky House leader and senior advisor to Gov. Andy Beshear, Rocky Adkins announced Tuesday that he is running for governor in 2027.

Adkins, 66, is a Sandy Hook native who represented Eastern Kentucky in the state House for more than three decades, serving as House Majority Leader from 2004 to 2017 before becoming Minority Leader through 2019. That year, he ran for governor himself, finishing second to Beshear in the Democratic primary. Following his loss, Adkins joined the Beshear administration as a senior advisor — a role he held until stepping down on July 10.

“Life is too hard for too many Kentuckians, and it does not have to be that way,” Adkins said in a campaign ad also released Tuesday. “People are working hard and doing their part. They deserve a government that does its part, too. For the past six years, we have worked to build a government that serves the people. I am running to make sure that work continues.”

Related: Kentucky Lt. Gov. Jacqueline Coleman announces run for governor

A Morehead State University graduate and former college basketball player, Adkins has spent much of his public life focused on Eastern Kentucky — pushing for education funding, Medicaid expansion, and pension reform.

Adkins is also a cancer survivor who has raised more than $2.3 million for cancer research through his annual charity golf tournament.

He enters a Democratic primary field that already includes Lt. Gov. Jacqueline Coleman. No Republicans have announced their run for governor yet.

Queer Kentucky will continue to monitor the race as the 2027 field takes shape.

Rep. Thomas Massie speaks at a podium during a congressional event

Sorry, Thomas Massie Is Not Running for McConnell’s Senate Seat

Massie, who recently lost his Republican primary, said he wasn’t interested in “the same circus with different monkeys.”

Rep. Thomas Massie has shut down speculation that he’d seek a Senate seat if Sen. Mitch McConnell were to leave office early, telling an interviewer he’d rather stay exactly where he is.

In a recent interview, Kentucky Republican U.S. Rep. Thomas Massie shut down any notion that he’d seek U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell’s seat if he were to leave office early.

“Not interested,” Massie told a TMZ reporter in Washington, D.C., on Capitol Hill. 

He explained that if a special election is called for McConnell’s U.S. Senate seat, he would not run. 

He told the reporter, explaining Kentucky’s Senate replacement law, “What people need to know is there’s only a special election for his unfulfilled term, which would go till January.”

That means the winner of the special election required to be held if McConnell leaves office before August 3 would just serve out the last few months of his term. 

“Even though my sentence got commuted, I still have to spend six more months in this chair,” Massie said.

Related: Gov. Andy Beshear demands answers about McConnell and his health amid hospitalization

The reporter then said the Senate might just be “a different prison cell” to which Massie did not disagree.

Massie lost the Republican House primary for Kentucky’s fourth congressional district in May to Ed Gallrein, a retired Navy SEAL who was recruited to run by President Donald Trump. Massie got caught in Trump’s crosshairs after breaking with the president several times, including helping force out the Epstein files as well as being outspoken against the war on Iran. 

He told the reporter that the clearest reason for wanting to stay in the House was the procedural tool he used to force the Epstein files out. 

“The problem with being in the Senate is they don’t have a discharge petition, and that’s how I got the Epstein Files Transparency Act passed,” he explained. 

In the House, the discharge petition allows members to force a floor vote over leadership’s objections since the leadership is who normally sets the agenda.

Giving that up, Massie said, would mean he would be trading what he says is real influence for a seat among colleagues he wasn’t necessarily eager to join.

“I’d have to really consider giving up the power that we have here in the People’s House to go over there and serve with a bunch of geriatric, you know, folks that should be in nursing homes,” he said, referencing the age of many senators. In the Senate, the average age is 65. Newsweek notes that over a third of senators are 70 or older. 

Asked again about the Senate, Massie gave a direct response: “Not interested,” he said. 

Pressed again by the reporter, he added, “Not really. It’s the same circus with different monkeys.”

 

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., left, speaks with Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear during a ceremony in the Rotunda at the Kentucky State Capitol in Frankfort, Ky., Jan. 2, 2024.

Gov. Andy Beshear demands answers about McConnell and his health amid hospitalization

Kentucky Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear sent a letter to Republican U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell’s office in Washington, D.C., demanding more information about the senator and his health. 

“Over the last several weeks, Kentuckians have grown increasingly concerned about the current state of your health and wellbeing, and ability to hold office in the United States Senate,” the letter, addressed to McConnell, 84, said. 

Beshear, who is considered a possible 2028 presidential contender, said, “As Governor, I request that you fully update Kentuckians regarding the current status of your health. As public officeholders, we have made a commitment to our constituents to do our best to represent them and to always be transparent. I believe this requires clear communication about one’s ability to serve.”

The letter comes after growing concerns over McConnell’s health after he was admitted to a hospital on June 14. His office has refused various media requests asking for an update on his condition or what type of treatment McConnell is undergoing. McConnell has faced numerous health issues in recent years. 

Rumors have swirled that the former Senate Majority leader was brain dead. In recent days, GOP lawmakers have come forward saying they’ve spoken to McConnell at length. 

McConnell’s absence has put a spotlight on a 2024 state law that changed how an empty U.S. Senate seat could be filled. Instead of the governor being allowed to select a temporary senator, it instead requires a special election to serve out the remaining term of the seat. McConnell’s term expires in January 2027.

Beshear vetoed the law, but the GOP-controlled legislature overrode the veto. 

Supreme Court upholds state laws banning transgender girls and women from school athletic teams

The Supreme Court on Tuesday upheld state laws barring transgender girls and women from playing on school athletic teams, in another setback for transgender people.

The court’s six-justice conservative majority, which has repeatedly ruled against transgender Americans in the past year, ruled that state bans in Idaho and West Virginia don’t violate the Constitution. The court unanimously agreed that barring transgender girls and women also doesn’t run afoul of the federal law known as Title IX, which prohibits sex discrimination in education.

Justice Brett Kavanaugh wrote for the court that, “states may maintain women’s and girls’ sports for biological females.”

More than two dozen other Republican-led states have adopted bans on female transgender athletes, and the decision seems certain to extend to them as well.

Left unresolved by the outcome are lawsuits challenging state laws and regulations in Connecticut, California and elsewhere that permit transgender athletes to compete consistent with their gender identity.

Becky Pepper-Jackson, a 16-year-old high school sophomore in Bridgeport, West Virginia, has been taking puberty-blocking medication, has publicly identified as a girl since age 8 and has been issued a West Virginia birth certificate recognizing her as female. She is the only transgender person who has sought to compete in girls sports in West Virginia.

Pepper-Jackson has progressed from a back-of-the-pack cross-country runner in middle school to statewide champion in the shot put. She beat the second-place finisher by two feet in last month’s West Virginia championship meet.

In the Idaho case, Lindsay Hecox sued over the state’s first-in-the-nation ban for the chance to try out for the women’s track and cross-country teams at Boise State University in Idaho. She didn’t make either squad because “she was too slow,” her lawyer, Kathleen Hartnett, told the court during arguments in January, but she competed in club-level soccer and running.

Prominent women in sports have weighed in on both sides. Tennis champion Martina Navratilova, swimmers Summer Sanders and Donna de Varona and beach volleyball player Kerri Walsh Jennings are supporting the state bans. Soccer stars Megan Rapinoe and Becky Sauerbrunn and basketball players Sue Bird and Breanna Stewart back the transgender athletes.

In 2020, the Supreme Court ruled LGBTQ people are protected by a landmark federal civil rights law that prohibits sex discrimination in the workplace, finding that “sex plays an unmistakable role” in employers’ decisions to punish transgender people for traits and behavior they otherwise tolerate.

But last year, the six conservative justices on the nine-member court declined to apply the same sort of analysis when they upheld state bans on gender-affirming care for transgender minors.

The states supporting the prohibitions on transgender athletes argued there is no reason to extend the ruling barring workplace discrimination to Title IX.

Idaho’s law, state Solicitor General Alan Hurst said, is “necessary for fair competition because, where sports are concerned, men and women are obviously not the same.”

Lawyers for Pepper-Jackson argued that such distinctions generally make sense but that their client has none of those advantages because of the unique circumstances of her early transition. In Hecox’s case, her lawyers wanted the court to dismiss the case because she had forsworn trying to play on women’s teams.

NCAA president Charlie Baker told Congress in 2024 that he was aware of only 10 transgender athletes out of more than half a million students on college teams. But despite the small numbers, the issue has taken on outsize importance.

Baker’s NCAA and the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committees banned transgender women from women’s sports after President Donald Trump, a Republican, signed an executive order aimed at barring their participation.

The public generally is supportive of the limits. An Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll conducted in October 2025 found that about 6 in 10 U.S. adults “strongly” or “somewhat” favored requiring transgender children and teenagers to compete only on sports teams that match the sex they were assigned at birth, not the gender they identify with, while about 2 in 10 were “strongly” or “somewhat” opposed and about one-quarter did not have an opinion.

About 2.1 million adults, or 0.8%, and 724,000 people ages 13 to 17, or 3.3%, identify as transgender in the U.S., according to the Williams Institute at the UCLA School of Law.

A collage featuring a gloved hand holding multiple syringes against a pink and blue torn paper background with faded text reading "I'm not surprised by the lack of education anymore. I'm just tired. Does this feel safe to me right now?" On the right, a person in sunglasses and a keffiyeh blows bubbles at a protest, shown in a blue-pink duotone.

Barriers, burnout, and resistance: Trans Kentuckians and the fight for healthcare

When clients walk into one of psychotherapist Sebastian Hamilton’s Louisville offices, they enter a cozy haven filled with soft lighting and pillows, nature posters, art supplies, and baskets of fidget toys. A linocut art print hanging on the wall features the Mary Oliver quote: “You only have to let the soft animal of your body love what it loves.”

Hamilton, whose pronouns are he/they, strives to create the kind of supportive environment he experienced with a trans mental health professional when he was exploring his own gender identity. This work has been complicated over the past year amid growing anxieties about state and federal anti-transgender legislation.

Hamilton, who became a Licensed Clinical Social Worker in 2023 — the same year the Kentucky state legislature passed a sweeping ban on gender affirming care for minors — said, “I’ve been seeing an increase in anxiety and exhaustion, especially since Trump’s second term. I see a lot more hopelessness and weariness.”

He has also seen a rise in the primary contributing factors that lead to suicidal ideation: perceived burdensomeness and thwarted belongingness, which he attributed to “this administration’s policies and the ways the administration has made local communities feel less safe for us.”

“I see people at all stages of their transition journey, and there is still so much joy in our community, so much strength. But sometimes, the joy is harder to access because of the ways things are impacting us on the interpersonal and national level when we have new, harmful legislation coming at us daily,” he said.

The impact on trans health and healthcare

2025 marked the sixth consecutive record-breaking year of anti-trans legislation. In Kentucky alone, 18 bills were introduced, including KY HB 495, which banned Medicaid from covering trans healthcare.

Kentucky, 2025

18 anti-trans bills
introduced in 2025
KY HB 495 — banned Medicaid from covering transgender healthcare

Trans Legislation Tracker, translegislation.com

Anti-trans legislation introduced, 2022–2025

State bills vs. national bills — six consecutive record-breaking years

State bills National bills
900
600
300
174
 
2022
556
 
 
2023
716
 
 
2024
1,131
 
 
2025

Trans Legislation Tracker, translegislation.com

In this environment, patients seeking gender-affirming care, such as hormone replacement therapy (HRT) or surgery, are nervous about medical documentation. Colby R. Loew, MD, whose pronouns are she/they, is a queer family medicine physician in Kentucky who is passionate about trans healthcare.

“I love getting to care for my people, my community. I love getting to care for people who, in the past, maybe weren’t so excited about going to the doctor or who were too nervous to even access care,” she said.

However, over the past year, she has noticed increased anxiety in her gender diverse patients regarding medical documentation of pronouns, gender (if it differs from the one assigned at birth), and gender dysphoria.

As a result, Dr. Loew has also become more cautious about the medical codes she uses when charting. Medical codes, or ICD (International Classification of Diseases) codes, are part of an alphanumeric system for documenting patient symptoms and diagnoses.

Loew told Queer Kentucky, “I haven’t really even been using gender dysphoria much as a code because I don’t need to document it that way. I just use hormone replacement therapy.”

Loew sees this as less of a risk. While a diagnosis of gender dysphoria could identify a patient as transgender, cisgender people also receive hormone replacement therapy, such as cisgender women who take testosterone during menopause.

The U.S. Department of Justice’s July subpoena of medical records related to trans healthcare from over 20 healthcare institutions demonstrates that these records are not private or safe from government overreach. Additionally, given the government’s classification of trans people as “Nihilistic Violent Extremists (NVEs)” and extremists who adhere to “radical gender ideology” as seen in a leaked Intelligence Bulletin and a DOJ memo first published by independent journalist Ken Klippenstein, the hesitation to have one’s trans identity documented in medical records makes sense.

“People are scared. They don’t want the government to know they are trans. They don’t want the government coming after them,” Loew said.

Loew mentioned that she also practices more caution when recording names and pronouns in medical charts, asking patients, “Is it okay if I put this on your chart?” Loew explained that “a lot of people are still like ‘hell yeah!’ but lately I’ve had more people saying ‘maybe not right now.’”

Ari, whose pronouns are they/them, is a Louisville-based genderfluid death care worker who spoke with Queer Kentucky under a pseudonym for privacy and safety. At recent doctor’s appointments, they have felt anxious about documentation — not just as a trans person, but as the child of an immigrant navigating a political climate that has targeted multiple minorities at once.

“Some of my anxiety over visiting doctors is not ‘Will I be treated poorly?’ It is ‘Will I be notated in a way that’s going to come back to bite me in the ass later down the line?’”

When a doctor recently switched their name in the system to “Ari (they/them),” it showed up on their prescription. “That partially makes me happy, but also puts up more question marks than anything else. Does this feel safe to me right now?”

Barriers to access

Transgender adults and medical discrimination

1 in 3
delayed or avoided medical care due to fear of discrimination
1 in 2
experienced medical discrimination due to their transgender identity

University of Chicago & Center for American Progress

Genderqueer photographer Emmett Valentín, whose pronouns are they/them, is no stranger to that discrimination. During their teen years in foster care in Kentucky, the state forced them to take birth control despite negative side effects. They suffered from severe endometriosis and PCOS for years before opting for sterilization as treatment. Valentín’s Indigenous identity compounded this mistreatment, they said, recalling America’s legacy of reproductive violence against Indigenous, Black, and marginalized communities.

When Valentín began pursuing HRT, they faced invasive questions, unnecessary testing, and pressure to recount their trauma. “I was terrified of having a health care provider be shitty to me because I’ve had enough healthcare trauma from being assigned female at birth.”

They explained that when they switched from the gender-affirming online prescription service FOLX to an in-person endocrinologist, “She did the whole ‘tell me about all of your trauma,’” to which Emmett replied, “I’m not doing that. You’re not my therapist. I’ve been on this for two years now, and it’s doing great. I just need refill.”

Emmett Valentín’s endocrinologist experience

A timeline of barriers

 
 
Step 1
Switched from FOLX to in-person endocrinologist. Faced invasive questions and pressure to recount trauma.
 
Step 2
Slight increase in red blood cell levels. Doctor refuses HRT refill. Refers Emmett to Transform Health Clinic.
 
Step 3
Earliest Transform Health appointment: 9 months away.
 
Weeks later — 12:15 pm
Doctor calls with a cancellation at the Lexington clinic — appointment at 1:30 pm, 75 minutes away.
 
Emmett’s response
“So let me get this straight. You refused to give me a refill, and you’re telling me now, if I drop everything in the middle of my workday and drive over there in record time, then I’m worthy of having healthcare.”

“You have been singlehandedly, absolutely the most invalidating healthcare experience I’ve ever had, and I want you to sit with that.”

Medical providers across all levels have felt the chilling effect of these federal and state level threats. However, both Hamilton and Loew, the mental health and medical providers who spoke with Queer Kentucky, stressed the importance of not caving in to threats or executive orders, which are not legally binding.

Lack of trained physicians

Dr. Loew told Queer Kentucky that trans healthcare was not part of her medical school curriculum. During her residency, supervising physicians were often unwilling to prescribe hormones to trans patients. “It depended on who was there with me as my supervising physician on whether the patient could get what they needed,” she said.

Research corroborates her experience. While studies show that many medical schools do discuss the topic of transgender healthcare, a 2023 study from the Baylor University Medical Center found that this coverage is not comprehensive. A 2025 study with the Journal of Medical Education and Curricular Development found that medical education on transgender health is now at heightened risk of inadequate preparation for future physicians in the wake of Executive Order 14168.

Residency programs

How trans healthcare is covered in medical education

Periodically throughout curriculum52.5%
 
Discrete modules only34.4%
 
Not covered at all10.6%
 

Baylor University Medical Center, 2023 · 160 programs surveyed

Loew disclosed that much of her trans healthcare practice has been self-taught. “The minute I could get my DEA so I could prescribe testosterone, I did.” A DEA, or Drug Enforcement Administration number, allows medical providers to prescribe controlled substances like testosterone.

The training gap

Recognition of the problem vs. action taken

82.4%
of providers named lack of training as a key barrier (National Coalition for LGBTQ+ Health, 2023)

By 2025, providers who sought training:

Any affirming training30%
 
Clinical technique training22%
 

National Coalition for LGBTQ+ Health, 2023 & 2025

23%
of trans people
have found themselves educating their own medical providers about transgender healthcare

Center for American Progress

Tammy, a Louisville resident whose pronouns are she/her, asked to use a pseudonym for safety. At a recent appointment, a nurse questioned how she had breasts without implants, asked how to spell “vaginoplasty” multiple times, then swiveled her chair around and asked, “How do they do that?”

Tammy tried to keep it light: “You should probably ask my doctor. I wasn’t paying attention at the time.”

Years earlier, an endocrinologist told her, “Oh, I guess the estrogen is working” — apparently unaware that estrogen does not eliminate active facial hair follicles, and many trans women like Tammy use electrolysis or laser hair removal to eliminate unwanted body hair. “This wasn’t even just a primary care physician. He was an endocrinologist. At a basic level, he should know how different hormones impact the body, and he just didn’t.”

“I’m not surprised by the lack of education anymore. I’m just tired.”

Trans Kentuckians fear experiences like Valentín’s and Tammy’s could become more common with threats to federal funding for institutions that provide gender-affirming care and empowerment from state and federal governments to deny such care.

Trans Kentuckians refuse to disappear

Despite everything, many trans Kentuckians are hopeful — and organizing.

“Trans people are the least nihilistic people I know,” said Jaz Brown, whose pronouns are he/him. Brown started hormones in March and had top surgery in November. As Trans Health Coordinator for the Kentucky Health Justice Network, he helps people buy binders, apply for medical grants, find housing, and pay electricity bills.

Jaz Brown, Trans Health Coordinator, Kentucky Health Justice Network
“To pursue transition, to pursue gender affirming care is to say ‘Life has meaning. I want to live.’”

Brown urged those struggling to afford care to apply for a grant through KHJN, and drew on a longer history of resistance: “None of this is new. People need to look to their Black elders, their Black trans elders. The government is not going to save us. Organizations are not going to save us. Nonprofits are not going to save us. We have to save ourselves and each other.”

“I think that anticipatory compliance is what the federal administration” wants, Hamilton said. He continued, “Let’s see how many threats we can make to get people to do what we want to do without actually making it a law. Because some of this, we know, if it’s thrown to the courts is going to be thrown back out.”

Valentín finds empowerment in activism. Arrested in 2023 at the Kentucky state capitol while protesting KY SB 150, they shared their mugshot — wearing what they call a “shit-eating grin.” “I would love to see a full socialist revolution in my lifetime, and I am doing all I can to gear towards that.”

Ari hopes to begin microdosing testosterone this year. They limit media consumption, root themselves in community, and draw perspective from their Chinese identity. “This is the year of the Fire Horse. Fire Horse years historically have marked a disruption of the existing order. The last time this cycle occurred was in 1966, the start of China’s Cultural Revolution.”

Looking to past epochs of political upheaval and change is a stirring reminder to trans people, cisgender members of the queer community, and LGBTQ+ allies that oppressors do not grant freedom to the oppressed. Instead, the people must unite, build coalitions, and seize their rights through collective action.

As Leslie Feinberg reminds us in Trans Liberation: Beyond Pink or Blue, “Genuine bonds of solidarity can be forged between people who respect each other’s differences and are willing to fight their enemy together. We are the class that does the work of the world, and can revolutionize it. We can win true liberation.”

Queer Kentucky 2026 Health Survey featured graphic with text "Be Counted" on dark background with data visualization network

2026 LGBTQ Kentucky Survey Is Live – Take It Now

Things feel heavier in 2026?

Help us collect the data that will fuel the studies and reporting around it.

In a political climate that’s actively trying to erase LGBTQ+ Kentuckians, data about our existence is one of the most powerful tools we have, and it’s imperative we keep up with it.

Queer Kentucky first partnered with The Moore Lab, led by Drs. Justin X. Moore and Sydney P. Howard, alongside collaborating researchers Drs. Keith J. Watts and Rachel H. Farr, to launch this survey in 2024, and collected responses from more than 3,600 Kentuckians. At the time, it was one of the most comprehensive studies of LGBTQ+ Kentuckians ever conducted.

It may not seem important, but according to the National Library of Medicine, “a clear, inclusive, and accurate approach to the collection of demographic information in clinical research and medical practice is critical to understanding the healthcare needs of a specific population.”

LGBTQ+ individuals experience “undue psychological harm” when their identities are not captured accurately in survey data, the NIH abstract reads, so surveys like this one can help normalize more inclusive coverage for queer people throughout the country.

The survey is live now until the end of June 2026. Click here to participate in the survey.

Why the 2026 LGBTQ Kentucky Survey Matters

Collectively, more than 4,000 Kentuckians have responded to these surveys, and the data has been used by researchers and journalists. Data like this is essential for more accurate and inclusive reporting about LGBTQ+ Kentuckians, and ease of access allows journalists, researchers and advocates a bigger incentive to highlight queer Kentuckians in their stories.

Researcher Dr. Sydney Howard pointed out that “drive-by” research is quite common, where surveys take place but data isn’t returned to communities. This survey is not like that: the data is compiled in a dashboard for Kentuckians and those writing about Kentucky to utilize throughout journalism, policy making, academic publishing, and PHD studies.

“We are so excited for this next iteration to be released,” she said. “We know now is a scary time, but we are good stewards of the data, and we want to be able to give the data back to the community.”

Why Does Filling Out the 2026 Survey Matter?

For Moore, an epidemiologist, datasets like this survey matter immensely in creating more consistency across medical research, such as cancer research. In many surveys, questions on sexual orientation are optional, so the data is inconsistent. So how can medical professionals study rates of diseases like cervical cancer or lung cancer in the LGBTQ+ community?

“Representation matters,” Moore said, “And we need people to be accounted for. It’s clear and apparent that from a national standpoint, there are some trying to silence or mute the lived experiences of people who are here and have healthcare needs and are also at risk.”

What Does the Data Show Us?

Curious what our previous data shows? You can explore our 2024 data dashboard here, or read a story about it here. In 2024, 3,674 responses were collected, mostly from individuals identifying as gay (52.83%) or queer (11.85%).

For HIV Testing and PrEP Usage, nearly 70% of responders reported testing for HIV and about 66% reported using PrEP. When you isolate Appalachian respondents though those numbers drop to only 32% reported using PrEP and 50% of respondents testing for HIV. The 2025 data dashboard will be available soon.

“If people in Kentucky are doing this kind of research and making these kinds of connections, I think it’s a great model to adapt across the U.S.”, said Howard. “It doesn’t have to be federal level, it can be grassroots level like at Queer Kentucky. Hopefully, studies like this will inspire other researchers to do the same thing in their areas as well.”

Queer Kentucky is the only LGBTQ newsroom in the Commonwealth, and in 2025, we took a 42% funding cut. Click here to help support our journalism.

Advocates meet with a Kentucky lawmaker in his Frankfort office during the 2026 legislative session. A photographer documents the visit, which included a Martin Luther King Jr. tribute display and a "We Can Do It!" poster on the wall.

Kentucky Passed Zero Anti-LGBTQ+ Laws in 2026. Here’s How Advocates Made It Happen.

When Kentucky lawmakers wrapped up the 2026 legislative session earlier this month, they gaveled out and went home without passing a single anti-LGBTQ+ bill.

It is a reprieve from a heavy onslaught of high-profile, targeted laws coming out of Frankfort over the last few years — years that saw measures limiting access to gender-affirming care, kicking transgender girls and women from sports teams, and reversing a short-lived ban on “conversion therapy.” 

The legislature — where four of every five seats are held by a Republican — didn’t even show much appetite for such legislation this year, with only two of the 10 anti-LGBTQ+ bills filed getting any sort of vote. 

Kentucky’s uneventful session clashes with a federal landscape that is increasingly toxic towards the LGBTQ+ community, particularly those who are transgender or gender-non-conforming, and as hundreds of bills are being considered in other states after a record-breaking year of anti-trans legislation. 

So, what worked?

Advocates pointed to two key things: The work of existing groups with the power to directly lobby lawmakers, and the voices of everyday Kentuckians who spoke up throughout the session.

“Nothing ‘just happens’ in Frankfort,” ACLU of Kentucky spokesperson Eric King said. 

A final status update on anti-LGBTQ+ bills

 

Kentucky lawmakers filed ten anti-LGBTQ+ bills during the 2026 legislative session.

Of those, only two — Senate Bill 72, which would’ve given health care professionals clearance to refuse to provide any treatment that violated their conscience, and House Bill 468, which initially would’ve made it more difficult to enforce local fairness ordinances — got any sort of vote.

Both passed out of a committee and went on to pass out of their chamber of origin, before not moving in the other chamber.

The remaining eight bills covered everything from additional limits on gender-affirming health care access, to requiring Kentucky to only recognize two genders, to ways to make it easier to sue a city over its fairness ordinance. Many of these have been filed in previous sessions in some capacity, where they also saw little to no success. 

Some touched on hot topics from recent years, including the unsuccessful resurrection of an anti-drag bill and a measure to implement a “bathroom ban” for government buildings sparked by a 2025 incident in which a Republican lawmaker accosted a transgender woman using the women’s restroom at the state Capitol. Despite fervor, both past and present, around both, neither bill advanced.

A high-profile Senate bill to kick trans teachers out of classrooms got withdrawn without getting a committee assignment. Its bill sponsor filed it as a last-second floor amendment, but it too died without a vote.

Here’s how everything shook out. 

 

Who lobbied Kentucky lawmakers on anti-LGBTQ+ bills?

 

Millions of dollars are spent each year to lobby Kentucky lawmakers in Frankfort, hoping to better a bill’s chances of passing, stop legislation, or at least weaken its blow.

A Queer Kentucky analysis of public lobbying records for the first three months of the 2026 legislative session (aka, all but the final three days) found nearly 40 different groups or organizations that lobbied lawmakers on at least one anti-LGBTQ+ bill at one point in the session.

As a collective, the organizations on file range from everything from insurance associations to The Kentucky Center for the Arts foundation to those representing breweries who host drag shows.

A variety of faith-based coalitions, education groups, and social justice-focused organizations regularly lobbied on these bills, as did a series of health-related groups representing psychologists, social workers, doctors and at least one hospital chain.

Lobbying records don’t typically explicitly say a group’s stance on a bill, just that they reported lobbying on it. And some of the bills on this year’s anti-LGBTQ+ list had ramifications outside of the LGBTQ+ community.

Some of the groups known to oppose LGBTQ+ rights, like the Alliance Defending Freedom’s lobbying arm, ADF Action, reported only lobbying on one or two anti-LGBTQ+ bills this session.

But three groups easily outnumbered the rest, with two of those groups being pro-LGBTQ+ and the other not.

 

A smiling woman in a light blue cap holds a handmade sign reading "Make America Great Again With LGBTQ+ Pride" featuring a rainbow and the words "Love Wins" and "Love is Love" during a crowded public hearing.

A supporter holds a handmade LGBTQ+ pride sign during a public hearing at the Kentucky Capitol Annex during the 2026 legislative session. Photo by Skylar Davis.

The Fairness Campaign and Kentucky Competes, a group that lobbies on LGBTQ+ issues from a business and economic development angle, routinely lobbied in favor of LGBTQ+ issues. The Family Foundation, a socially conservative group, typically lobbied against the same bills, as frequently as the Fairness Campaign and Kentucky Competes lobbied for them.

“The Fairness Campaign has worked hard in recent years to strengthen relationships on both sides of the aisle and encourage state lawmakers to focus on kitchen table issues that positively impact all Kentuckians, rather than engage in divisive culture wars that harm our most vulnerable communities,” Chris Hartman, the leader of the LGBTQ+ advocacy organization the Fairness Campaign, said.

This year’s success “is thanks to that intentional and difficult relationship building,” he continued,  and was bolstered by an “expanded lobbying team.”

Eric Russ, who leads the Kentucky Psychological Association, said their group has also worked on developing relationships with lawmakers so they can be “an ongoing trusted source of mental healthcare information for policymakers.”

KPA, Russ said, “works hard to ensure legislators understand both the psychological science of gender and sexual identity and the impact legislative policy has on the mental health of people in those communities.”

One example is the group’s quick statement opposing SB 351, the anti-trans teacher bill, which “helped legislators and other advocates understand the problems with the bill’s mechanisms and its wide-ranging impact.”

Thanks to quick pushback to the bill both when it was first filed and later in session when the bill sponsor tried to sneak it into a different bill at the last minute, the concept never budged in the legislative process.

Showing up still possible, still critical

 

2026’s legislative session was the first where the Capitol and the House and Senate chambers were closed to the public.

The Capitol’s closure — due to multi-year renovations — sparked concerns of weakened transparency and limited moments to make voices heard over legislation. Heading into the session, advocates and lawmakers told crowds at Queer Kentucky’s legislative preview panels that showing up — even if it is just to watch a committee meeting or briefly talk to a lawmaker in the Capitol Annex, which remained open — could have major impact. 

“It really does matter that people show up,” Hartman said at an early December panel in Newport. “Every time we can fill the chamber with bodies, it gives more people pause than you might know.”

Several groups ultimately were still able to rally the troops, show up in Frankfort and contact their lawmakers.

“Anti-LGBTQ+ and anti-immigrant bills didn’t pass in the 2026 legislative session because of well-organized, relentless advocacy across sectors,” King with the ACLU explained. “Directly impacted people showed up and testified. Coalitions mobilized calls and emails. Volunteers put in the work, day after day.”

Dr. Jacks Gilles, a psychologist based in Louisville, testified against SB 72, one of the only anti-LGBTQ+ bills that made it to a committee hearing. The bill would have allowed a broad range of medical practitioners to refuse to perform services if they felt it violated their “sincerely held religious, moral, or ethical” beliefs.

They said that the bill would have taken away the necessary checks and balances already set by licensure boards, and create more of a power differential between medical professionals and patients. That would lead to people, especially LGBTQ+ people, avoiding medical settings.

“Several of us have had experiences of surgeons coming in before the surgery and asking us to pray for us, but when you take a vulnerable situation and ask them to engage in their religious practice, it’s from a lack of understanding of holding differences as medical providers and still maintaining dignity,” they said.

No one in committee testified in favor of the bill, they said, aside from the lawmakers who supported the bill.

“I would like to encourage getting people involved by voting, coming out to Frankfort and having conversations with lawmakers, even if it’s not to testify against a bill. It’s helpful as well to not feel so isolated,” they said.

Kentucky Lt. Gov. Jacqueline Coleman speaks at a podium at the 2026 Fairness Rally at the Kentucky State Capitol

Kentucky Lt. Gov. Jacqueline Coleman announces run for governor

FRANKFORT — It’s official: Kentucky Lt. Gov. Jacqueline Coleman is running for governor.

After two terms as Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s second-in-command, Coleman announced Monday morning that she will be running for Kentucky’s highest office in 2027.

Standing in front of the Kentucky Hall of Governors inside the Thomas D. Clark Center for Kentucky History in Frankfort, Coleman noted Kentucky has only ever had one woman run the commonwealth.

It is time to change that, she said.

Coleman spent the last two years weighing the decision to run, she said, hearing from Kentuckians on what they want in their next governor.

“It’s crystal clear: they want someone who will show up, listen and focus on the issues that truly matter to their families,” Coleman said. They want someone who will stand against “the chaos and toxic negativity coming out of Washington, D.C.” and “not someone who is distracted by the culture war of the day.”

“If you’re looking for somebody to talk less about politicians and more about you, for someone who listens more than they talk, here she is,” she said. 

Kentucky limits governors to two consecutive four-year terms, so Beshear — consistently one of the country’s most popular Democratic governors, despite being in a red state — cannot run for the office again.

But her time in the Beshear-Coleman administration is heavily influencing how she hopes to approach her own administration, should she be elected, saying now is not the time to take the foot off the gas.

In front of a crowd of labor and public education leaders, Democratic lawmakers, and the media, she outlined the broad strokes of a game plan focused on continuing Kentucky’s economic development success, while bolstering public education and strengthening health care access — including access to mental health supports.

As a former public school educator and basketball coach, Coleman has routinely served as a cornerstone to one of the administration’s top priorities: public education. She doesn’t plan on letting up on that, saying she will be in “coach mode” while in office.

The administration has also routinely been vocally pro-LGBTQ+, with the duo regularly headlining the annual Fairness Rally at the state Capitol. Coleman was the first constitutional officer in Kentucky to attend a pride event, and she’s attended several across the state since being elected in 2019.

Coleman and Beshear have also been visible advocates during the 2026 Kentucky legislative session, which saw a wave of anti-LGBTQ+ legislation filed in the General Assembly. No anti-LGBTQ+ bills ultimately passed this year, though.

This story has been updated.

Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear speaks at a podium during a press conference, with an American flag and Team Kentucky branding visible in the background.

Kentucky’s 2026 Legislative Session Is Finally Wrapping Up — Here’s What to Know

This story will be updated throughout the day.

Kentucky’s 2026 legislative session is officially — finally — coming to a close.

Lawmakers will spend Tuesday and Wednesday in Frankfort, overriding any vetoes from Gov. Andy Beshear, passing any last-second bills and wrapping things up before heading home for the year. 

Things will kick off at 10 a.m. Tuesday when the Senate gavels in, and everything must adjourn by 11:59 p.m. Wednesday (but they don’t have to stay that late). 

All of this year’s anti-LGBTQ+ legislation is already dead, but Queer Kentucky will still keep y’all updated about anything you need to know about using this handy-dandy live blog. So, bookmark it now and check back frequently for the latest from the state Capitol. 

Got a question on a legislative issue or want us to look into a bill for you? Drop a note in Queer Kentucky’s politics survey or contact lead politics writer Olivia Krauth directly at [email protected]. 

New posts will appear below this line, with the newest stuff being first. Be sure to scroll down to see any older content you may have missed. 

11:35 p.m. Wednesday — It is done.

Kentucky’s 2026 legislative session is officially DONE.

This session marks the first in a few years where no anti-LGBTQ+ bills became law in Kentucky.

Signing off, y’all — it has been a gift!

— Olivia.

11:15 p.m. Wednesday — Welp, that’s it

To anyone who has been following this live blog religiously, I apologize for how boring it has been, but rest assured, it is basically over.

It looks like the Senate and maybe the House are done for the night, so lawmakers are starting to go home, with a select few left behind to basically handle legalese and paperwork.

9:05 p.m. Wednesday — We’re still here

Remember how I said the end was near? Five hours ago? Yeah, we’re still going.

In my defense, last year, things were wrapped up early in the afternoon.

Things aren’t really happening — we’ve mainly had dinner break, and then discussed a few resolutions.

4 p.m. Wednesday — Just chillin’

Since we last spoke, the legislature has done a few things like eat lunch and get a few last-minute bills through committee, but it has overall been pretty chill.

The end is near, but I’m just not sure *how* near it is.

11:55 a.m. Wednesday — And we’re back

Happy Sine Die Day to those who celebrate! That just means this is the final day of Kentucky’s 2026 legislative session, and lawmakers must wrap everything up before midnight.

The House started at 10 a.m. and the Senate at 11 a.m. They dealt with all of the veto overrides Tuesday, so today should be a rather simple, short day.

8:05 p.m. Tuesday — See you tomorrow

The House and Senate are done for the day. The Senate will be back at 11 a.m. and the House starts a bit earlier at 10 a.m.

From what I can tell, they’ve gotten through all of the veto overrides, but still have a few things left to handle before they close out session. Last year, they finished the session early in the afternoon, so let’s see what they do this year.

6:50 p.m. Tuesday — Coming back from dinner

We’re slowly coming back from dinner break to the Senate not agreeing with the House’s changes on that big housing bill — Senate Bill 9 — I mentioned earlier today.

This means they’re doing a conference committee between the House and Senate to try and reach a compromise on the topic. Who knows what they’ll come up with, or when they’ll share that info with us.

3:55 p.m. Tuesday — Still rockin’ and rollin’

We’re really moving at a brisk pace today. Both chambers are basically done with all of the veto overrides, with just a few more left in the Senate. It looks like it might be an early end for the day, because I’m not totally sure what else they have left to do.

12:50 p.m. Tuesday — And the Senate is done with overrides

With a supermajority, the veto override process is generally pretty easy — a bit time-consuming, but typically easy for the Republicans.

The Senate had 10 Senate bills facing vetoes today, and overrode all of them in less than an hour. Now those bills will head to the House for the same process. (And once the House is done with their bills, they’ll head to the Senate.)

Of the Senate bills that got vetoed, several were education related. Two changed the power and makeup of the JCPS school board, and another would make it easier for outside education service providers — those often in charge of charter schools — to run public schools.

Meanwhile, the House is working through their veto overrides. They’ve already overridden vetoes on bills that would protect firearm dealers from lawsuits tied to guns and to allow 18-year-olds to carry concealed weapons.

12:30 p.m. Tuesday — Bills to watch

Just because it is the final two days of session does not mean lawmakers can’t pass new legislation. They can definitely do that, but they won’t have a chance to override Beshear should he veto it, so basically anything they pass now needs to be uncontroversial.

One big thing to watch is Senate Bill 9 — an omnibus housing package aimed at making it easier to build housing, therefore hopefully making it more affordable. This was a Republican priority bill in the Senate, but the House added a ton of stuff to it at the last minute before the veto period and the Senate didn’t agree to their changes before the veto period started.

Typically, that spells death for a bill, but Sen. Robby Mills (R-Henderson) — the bill’s sponsor — posted on social media that he hopes to still see the bill through by the end of session.

Of course, we’re still keeping an eye on House Bill 759 — the uncontroversial teacher certification bill that got a last-second anti-trans teacher amendment. The bill never got a vote, so the amendment hasn’t formally been struck down yet, but it fully expected to be dead. There’s still a chance the original HB 759 bill will get a vote in the last two days here, so we’ll keep you posted on that.

12:15 p.m. Tuesday — Rockin’ and rollin’

Hello, friends, welcome to the second to last day of the legislative session!

The Senate has been up and at ‘em for a bit, and they’re currently running through a series of veto overrides of various bills Beshear vetoed over the last two weeks. The House gavels in at noon and should start doing the same.

OK, what is a veto override and how does it work? When the legislature sends Beshear bills to consider, he can veto them — aka basically say no and explain why. But the legislature can override him with a simple majority vote — and they have about 80% of all seats in the House and Senate.

Both the House and Senate have to vote to override a veto, so two separate votes, and then they send the bill to the Secretary of State’s office to become law.

Other resources to stay informed:

A person wearing a black Pride t-shirt reading "Let our trans kids live to become trans adults" at a community gathering in Kentucky

Anti-Trans Teacher Amendment Fails in Kentucky’s 2026 Legislative Session

FRANKFORT — As anticipated, a last-second attempt to keep transgender people from teaching in Kentucky has failed.

Kentucky lawmakers wrapped up the bulk of their 2026 legislative session late Wednesday night, going home without bringing up House Bill 759 — a previously uncontroversial bill around alternative teaching certifications that got a late floor amendment that sought to block trans people from teaching altogether. 

Wednesday night was the deadline for Kentucky’s Republican-dominated legislature to pass any bills that Democrat Gov. Andy Beshear may veto in order to have enough time to override him during the final two days of session later this month.

It is possible HB 759 can come up for a vote during those last two days, but the amendment is still expected to be withdrawn prior to a vote on the unchanged bill. If the amendment somehow gets through, Beshear is likely to veto it and lawmakers would not be able to override him.

With the amendment’s failure, 2026 marked the first legislative session in a few years without any new anti-LGBTQ+ laws in Kentucky. 

Kentucky lawmakers filed nearly a dozen pieces of legislation this year aimed at the LGBTQ+ community, including restricting health care access, blocking trans people from using restrooms tied to their gender identity in government buildings, and limiting drag shows and performers. Almost all of them did not move in the legislative process. 

Sen. Gex Williams, R-Verona, initially filed the anti-trans teacher bill in early March as Senate Bill 351. It sought to keep trans people from getting and keeping teaching certifications, requiring anyone reported as potentially being trans to undergo medical exams and to provide those results to state education officials in order to stay in the classroom. 

Health professionals would’ve also been required to use outdated psychological terms and criteria to diagnose those who are trans, potentially meaning labeling them as “mentally ill” despite modern health standards disagreeing with that assertion. 

SB 351 did not move in the legislative process, and Williams withdrew the bill last week. He quickly filed the same language as a floor amendment to HB 759 in hopes of passing it there. 

Filing an existing but failing bill as a floor amendment is a legislative maneuver called piggybacking, and it is against the Senate’s rules. Sources repeatedly confirmed to Queer Kentucky that the Senate planned on enforcing those rules and Williams would either withdraw the amendment or it would be ruled out of order. 

When lawmakers gaveled in Tuesday, they were quick to take HB 759 off of the consent calendar where it was scheduled for a quick and easy vote, but they never added the bill to the orders of the day so it could get a full floor vote and so the amendment could be formally axed. 

Other resources to stay informed:

Gov. Andy Beshear speaks at a podium at the 2026 Fairness Rally in Kentucky.

Live Blog: Tracking the final days of Kentucky’s 2026 legislative session

As Kentucky’s 2026 legislative session winds down, Queer Kentucky will be keeping y’all updated throughout all of it. 

Lawmakers will meet Tuesday and Wednesday to pass any final legislation before the veto period begins Thursday — a two-week-ish period where Gov. Andy Beshear will be able to sort through all of the bills on his desk and decide what to do with them. 

Basically all of this year’s anti-LGBTQ+ legislation is dead, which means it can’t pass this session, but Frankfort can be sneaky, so we’ll still be watching. (Plus, they have a ton of important stuff to get through over the next two days, including the next two-year state budget.) 

This story will be regularly updated over the next few days with any important happenings or interesting tidbits, so bookmark it, check back frequently and share it with your friends so they can do the same. 

Keep an eye on Queer Kentucky’s social media pages for any major news, and feel free to contact lead politics writer Olivia Krauth at [email protected] with any questions or thoughts you have about bills or the legislative session. You can also give us your thoughts in our 2026 politics survey.

New posts will appear below this line, with the newest stuff being first. Be sure to scroll down to see any older content you may have missed. 

10:35 p.m. Wednesday — Winding down

We’re starting to wind down for the evening, and it looks like the Senate is officially NOT going to take up HB 759.

Anything can still happen, technically, but the Senate is currently taking a break and waiting on a few final things to come over to them from the House side. Typically, when they hit this phase of the session, the Senate is very uninterested in resurrecting legislation they could’ve passed by now.

The House is also taking a break. Everyone is actively taking breaks.

8:15 p.m. Wednesday — Dinner is (almost) done

The House is back and powering through legislation, but the Senate is still finishing up its dinner recess.

That big $800 million one-time spending package I mentioned? Turns out it is now $1.7 billion in spending across 300 projects. I’m still wading through what those projects are.

6:15 p.m. Wednesday — Slowing down, but not done

Things are starting to slow down a bit for dinner, but we’re still expecting a late night.

I’ve lost track of how many bills are in conference committee mode right now. A lot of contentious stuff (at least between lawmakers) is actively being decided behind closed doors.

5:10 p.m. Wednesday — Crunch time

We’ve got about seven hours until lawmakers need to shut things down for the veto period, and I can’t tell if things are starting to slow down or they’re about to speed up. Several big-deal bills are still up in the air.

After passing the budget bills, the Senate took a break for caucus meetings. They still haven’t done anything with HB 759, and they don’t look particularly poised to do so.

When they get back, they’ll need to deal with (or not, I guess) several major issues. The House just rejected their changes to this year’s big Medicaid bill, so they’ll need to either recede from those changes or push the debate on Medicaid into conference committee mode.

They’re also running out of time to handle housing reform, one of their priorities of session. The House threw several housing reform bills into one and passed it earlier today, and now the Senate needs to accept those changes or push this into conference committee mode, too.

Other things that are still a major question mark include what is included in House Bill 900 — the state’s $800 million one-time spending bill — and what they’ll do with the JCPS board.

Meanwhile, the House is debating the budget bills now.

4:10 p.m. Wednesday — Is that a budget I see?!

At long last, lawmakers Senate are sharing details about the next state budget. Technically, budgets, because they have separate bills to deal with different branches, but still.

The budget has been in the conference committee process for the last several days. This is when the House and Senate don’t like each other’s versions of a bill, so a group of them sit around and try to find a compromise. This process is pretty behind-the-scenes, so we’re actively learning what the final budgets look like and it may still be a bit before written copies of the final bills are online for public viewing.

The main budget is House Bill 500. Senate A&R Chair Sen. Chris McDaniel said several state agencies will see a reduction in funding over the next two years, but did not say specifically which ones.

Something important to note: Unlike with most bills, Beshear can veto just parts of budget bills. So, if he generally likes the budget, but doesn’t think a certain thing should get funding, then he can line-item veto it. The legislature, though, can still override him (and they almost always do).

1:50 p.m. Wednesday — Just chillin’ (day two)

Once again, greetings from Frankfort!

Yesterday was pretty stop-start-stop-start, with long periods of lawmakers breaking for caucus meetings mixed with lengthy sections of back-to-back bill votes. We’ve seen much of the same so far today.

The House passed a few interesting bills, including a revised bill to overhaul Kentucky State University — the state’s only public HBCU — and one that would let local school boards hire education service providers — groups that typically run charter schools, to varying levels of success — to oversee public schools.

The Senate has yet to act on HB 759.

10:15 a.m. Wednesday — Off to the races

Good morning, y’all! Welcome to the final day of Kentucky’s 2026 legislative session before the veto period! AKA one of the absolute busiest days in the entire legislative session. (And perfectly timed on April Fool’s Day.)

Reminder: They have until 11:59 p.m. tonight to pass anything they may need to override a Beshear veto of. They can still pass legislation during the final two days of session on April 14 and 15, but they wouldn’t be able to override Beshear if he says no.

The Senate just got started for the day, and the main thing we’re watching there is and has been HB 759 and its anti-trans teacher amendment. Last night, I talked with a source who said the bill and its amendment are dead, but I’ll still keep an eye on it just in case.

The Senate also needs to vote on House Bill 2, a sweeping Medicaid proposal. You can read about that bill here.

The House is slated to start at 11 a.m. I’m expecting some kind of JCPS-focused legislation to come out of that chamber today, including a bill that could shift power from the JCPS school board to its superintendent, change how many board members there are and where they represent, and create a financial advisory committee for the large district.

Oh, right, and we still haven’t seen a final written copy of the next two-year state budget, nor do we have any idea how the state wants to spend around $800 million in one-time spending.

6:25 p.m. Tuesday — Calling it an early night?

These last two days of session before the veto period typically include long days and even longer nights, but it looks like that might not be the case this time around.

The Senate adjourned for the day around 40 minutes ago, without touching HB 759 or its amendment again. (The House, meanwhile, is going on about hour four of being recessed.)

They’ll be back at 10 a.m. Wednesday. Remember: They have until 11:59 p.m. Wednesday night to pass anything remotely controversial to have a chance to override a likely Beshear veto during the final two days of session on April 14 and 15.

So, what could that mean for HB 759? They can’t touch it tonight, but if they want to pass the bill tomorrow, they’ll need to move it to the orders of the day, and then vote on it. That’s when the anti-trans teacher amendment would be withdrawn.

5 p.m. Tuesday — Bills, bills, bills

The House has been in recess for a bit now, and the Senate looks poised to join them shortly.

We’ve spent the last few hours powering through a ton of votes, including final passage for bills, agreeing with changes the other chamber made, and even a Senate override of a new Beshear veto on a bill protecting pesticide companies.

Bills on everything from child care access, to election tweaks, to the rights’ of protesters around ICE agents, have gotten votes this afternoon.

One thing that hasn’t: HB 759. Like I reported earlier, the bill was pulled from the consent calendar in the Senate shortly after noon. It hasn’t been assigned to the orders of the day, though, aka the spot it needs to be in order to get a full Senate vote. So, stay tuned on that.

3:20 p.m. Tuesday — Supreme Court “conversion therapy” ruling

Kentucky lawmakers undid a ban on “conversion therapy” for minors last legislative session, but they still had some reactions to Tuesday’s Supreme Court ruling to overturn similar bans in other states.

“Today, the Supreme Court of the United States has once again betrayed the LGBTQ+ Community, especially our vulnerable youth,” Rep. Lisa Willner, D-Louisville, said in a statement.

“As a licensed psychologist and the longtime sponsor of legislation to prohibit this discredited and deadly practice, I could not disagree more with this decision. 

“All young people in Kentucky deserve to be safe and to be their authentic selves.  As a mother and grandmother, I’m heartbroken. 

“State governments have a responsibility to protect children, not put them in harm’s way. Today’s SCOTUS decision prevents states from protecting against harmful practices that abuse children and can leave lasting scars,” she said. 

2:30 p.m. Tuesday — We’re just chillin’

Greetings from Frankfort!

We haven’t done a ton yet, mainly because the Senate has spent the last roughly two hours in caucus meetings — closed-door meetings with everyone in the party to get everyone in line, more or less.

Before they did that, though, the Senate pulled HB 759 from the consent calendar. This is a procedural step to allow the anti-trans teacher floor amendment to be withdrawn.

Meanwhile, the House has gotten through a lot, including giving a few bills around teacher misconduct final clearance. Those should head to Gov. Andy Beshear shortly.

11 a.m. Tuesday — What’s up with HB 759 and trans teachers?!

Lawmakers are set to gavel in at noon to formally kick off the day, but they’ve already had a pretty busy morning full of committee meetings to give some bills a quick vote.

One big thing I’ll be watching Tuesday: House Bill 759.

I wrote a whole post yesterday explaining exactly what is going on and fact-checking some other outlets who got it super wrong, but basically HB 759 has a last-second amendment to keep trans people from teaching. It is not expected to go anywhere, and the amendment’s sponsor is supposed to withdraw it before the bill itself gets a vote.

We don’t know exactly when that could happen, though, but I’ll be watching and I’ll update the live blog when it does.

Other resources to stay informed:

A person holds a Protect Trans Youth sign at the 2026 Fairness Rally in Kentucky.

Fact check: No, Kentucky is not about to quietly kick trans teachers out of the classroom

No, Kentucky is not set to quickly and quietly declare transgender people “mentally ill” this week. 

And no, Kentucky’s GOP-dominated legislature is also not about to silently kick trans people out of teaching in the last seconds of the 2026 legislative session.

Y’all, I am once again respectfully begging you to get your Kentucky politics news from reporters here in the Bluegrass State because I fear national and international news outlets have once again gotten things wrong. Like, really wrong. 

A Kentucky bill turned last-second floor amendment hoping to label trans people as unfit to teach, bar them from getting or keeping teaching licenses and forcing teachers suspected of being trans to undergo medical examinations to stay in the classroom is not expected to pass as Kentucky winds down its legislative session. 

Queer Kentucky knows this due to our knowledge of Kentucky’s legislative process, along with the backing of multiple sources who have been working in and around the bill/amendment. 

We’ve been covering LGBTQ+ bills and issues throughout Kentucky’s 2026 legislative session, so let us break down exactly what’s going on and why other outlets are getting it wrong. Brace yourselves: In order to fully and properly explain this, we may need to get a little wonky. 

Earlier this month, Sen. Gex Williams — a Republican from Northern Kentucky — filed Senate Bill 351. This bill aimed to keep trans people from being able to get and keep teaching licenses in Kentucky, effectively kicking them out of the classroom. 

The bill went nowhere. It didn’t even get a Senate committee assignment, which is the first step in the legislative process. It was not going to pass. 

Last week, Williams withdrew the bill, but then quickly refiled the same thing as a floor amendment to a different, previously super uncontroversial bill — House Bill 759. This was basically a last-ditch attempt at getting his bill through. 

A floor amendment does not just get automatically added to a bill. When a bill gets brought up for a vote on the House or Senate floor, any proposed floor amendments have to be individually voted on in order to be added to the bill. And then they vote on the bill itself. 

HB 759 was on this thing called the consent calendar — basically a batch of unproblematic bills that they lump together and vote on all at once to save time. This is where a lot of the inaccurate reporting went wrong. When a bill on the consent calendar gets a floor amendment, it automatically gets pulled from the consent calendar and gets treated like any other bill. The amendment doesn’t simply just get added to the bill without debate and slipped through (if that’s how this worked, we’d have a lot of issues). 

But Williams’ floor amendment also breaks the Senate’s rules around piggybacking. It is literally in their rulebook that you can’t just add a majority or entirety of an unsuccessful bill to a different bill as a floor amendment. 

Queer Kentucky has been told that because of this, Williams is expected to withdraw his amendment before the bill gets a vote. And if he doesn’t, the amendment is expected to be struck down because, again, it breaks the rules. 

But, past that, if something happens to go awry and the amendment does get through and the Senate does pass it, the bill would then need to go back to the House, where they’d need to agree to the Senate’s changes. But it is so late in the legislative session, and lawmakers have much more pressing issues to take care of over the next two days, it is unlikely they’d agree to the changes because bringing it for a vote would likely spark a lengthy debate over it. 

Of course, Queer Kentucky will be keeping a close eye on this situation in the coming days. Lawmakers meet Tuesday and Wednesday before heading home for the veto period — about two weeks where Gov. Andy Beshear gets to go through all of the bills they’ve passed so far and decide what to do with them. 

Stay tuned to Queer Kentucky’s website and social media feeds for all things Kentucky politics from folks who actually know what they’re talking about.

Other resources to stay informed:

Kentucky State Capitol building in Frankfort

We’re nearing the end of #KYGA26 — here’s what to know.

Friends, the time is near: Kentucky’s 2026 legislative session has mere days left. 

Lawmakers are scheduled to meet four days over the next week to hammer out the details of the next two-year state budget, along with passing any other bills they think Gov. Andy Beshear could veto, by 11:59 p.m. on April 1. 

They’ll take the next two weeks off for the veto period — a time for Beshear to comb through all of the things they think should be law, and accept or reject them — before coming back to close out the session on April 14 and 15. 

Here’s what y’all need to know. 

When are lawmakers supposed to meet during the Kentucky 2026 legislative session?

Kentucky’s 2026 legislative session is supposed to have 60 legislative days, running from January to mid-April. Legislative days are days where lawmakers meet to vote on bills. 

They’ve burned through most of those days, leaving them with just six total scheduled legislative days:

  • March 26
  • March 27
  • March 31
  • April 1
  • April 14
  • April 15

They did, however, take a snow day in January that they could still make up. It is unclear if they plan on doing that, though.

What is the status of LGBTQ-focused bills? 

Kentucky lawmakers filed about 15 LGBTQ-focused bills during the 2026 legislative session — 10 anti-LGBTQ+ and five pro-LGBTQ+. 

As of March 25, all but two of them are dead. (And those two are on life support.) 

All of the pro-LGBTQ+ bills never went anywhere, and many of the anti-LGBTQ+ bills never went far, either. 

The dead anti-LGBTQ+ bills include ones to restrict drag shows and performers; limit how transgender Kentuckians can access gender-affirming health care, prohibit trans people in public buildings from using the restroom tied to their gender identity, and keep trans teachers out of Kentucky classrooms. 

Wait, how do you know that?

Let me be clear: This is Frankfort, and there are tons of ways to sneak in and rush through legislation at the last second (check out Queer Kentucky’s explainer on some of the key ways). A lot of folks tend to subscribe to the “it ain’t over until it’s over” mentality when it comes to calling time of death for bills.

But bills need at least five, but typically six, legislative days to fully get through the legislative process. We only have four days left before the veto period, so any anti-LGBTQ+ legislation that hasn’t started moving yet literally doesn’t have enough time to do so. 

There are six total legislative days left if you include the two in mid-April after the veto period. Lawmakers could, technically, start moving bills now and fully pass them by the end of session — but Beshear would almost certainly veto them and the GOP-led legislature wouldn’t have a chance to override him. 

Couldn’t they just shove all this stuff in a different bill?

Yes, they could — and that’s a valid concern. That’s why Queer Kentucky will be monitoring Frankfort particularly hard over the next week. 

Could a group of lawmakers squash all of their anti-LGBTQ+ bills into one bill that’s much further along in the legislative process and rush it through? Technically, yes, but lawmakers haven’t shown much appetite for anti-LGBTQ+ bills this year. It doesn’t seem likely this will be a focus of theirs, particularly given the fact the budget is still in the works and other legislative issues like JCPS seem to be taking priority. 

What is the veto period? 

The veto period is a roughly two-week-long time where the legislature isn’t meeting and they’re just letting Beshear go through all of the stuff they’ve passed and decide what he wants to do with it. 

Once a bill lands on his desk, Beshear has 10 days, excluding Sundays, to decide what to do with it. He can sign it into law, veto it, or let it become law without his signature. 

Lawmakers want the vast majority of the bills that are going to be passed, passed before the veto period so they have a chance to override any of Beshear’s vetoes during the final two days of session. They can still pass things during the last two days of session, but they would not have a chance to override Beshear’s veto. 

What bills or trends should I watch? 

When it comes to LGBTQ+ issues, focus on Senate Bill 72 and House Bill 468. 

SB 72 would allow anyone tied to health care to deny service to someone based on their beliefs. It passed out of the Senate weeks ago, but hasn’t moved in the House yet. 

HB 468 initially dealt with how fairness ordinances could be enforced. But it saw some changes before passing out of the House, and now it is less of a threat to LGBTQ+ rights. But we’ll still be monitoring it in the Senate just in case. 

Outside of LGBTQ+ issues, here are a few things lawmakers are focusing on in their final days:

    • The budget: If lawmakers do anything this session, they need to craft the next state budget. This is in a conference committee — basically, when a bunch of lawmakers sit around a table and try to come to an agreement. 
    • JCPS: Between bills to change how many people are elected to school board, to ones shifting power to the superintendent, lawmakers are gearing up for lots of discussion around Kentucky’s largest school district. (Fayette County, you’ll see some action too; everyone else, you’re in the clear.) 
    • Medicaid: Lawmakers are making several changes to Medicaid to bring Kentucky in alignment with federal rules, but some have said the current proposal — HB 2 — goes further than needed. 

How can I follow along?

JustChoice staff at JustCenter for Reproductive Health in Louisville, Kentucky

Opinion | We See You: JustChoice Is Opening JustCenter for Reproductive Health

Let’s imagine something.

Imagine walking into a reproductive health clinic in Kentucky and not having to brace yourself.

Imagine reproductive healthcare that was designed with LGBTQ+ people in mind from the beginning.

Reproductive health is too often reduced to “pro-choice” versus “pro-life.” But for many people in queer and trans communities, reproductive justice is even more complex and personal than ever.

That’s part of why JustChoice is opening the JustCenter for Reproductive Health.

For nearly everyone, walking into a reproductive health clinic already comes with a lot: excitement, fear, shame, hope, grief, relief, sometimes all at once. Add in the realities many people face when abortion or other care is involved: protecting privacy, missing work, finding childcare, arranging transportation, and covering costs. It’s a lot to carry.

For queer and trans people, there’s an even deeper layer: wondering if you’ll be made to feel unsafe in a space that’s supposed to help you.

We’re not here to speak for the queer community; we are simply here to say: we see you, and we’re building something different.

At JustCenter, our commitment is extremely simple: accessible care rooted in dignity, respect, and kindness. That means welcoming families in all their forms, and reducing barriers wherever we can, including things like offering childcare when visits take time and using a sliding, pay-what-you-can scale.

JustChoice understands that reproductive justice does not end with a procedure. People need support before, during, and after pregnancy, whether that pregnancy continues or not. That’s why services at JustCenter also include:

  • Free pregnancy counseling and ultrasounds
  • Miscarriage management and emotional support
  • Free birth control, including IUDs, condoms, and Plan B
  • Parenting and adoption support, including baby supplies and mutual aid
  • Help navigating community resources in hostile or under-resourced environments

This is an invitation. We want to learn from your experiences and build the antidote of what’s caused harm. Join us so we can build systems of care together.

Follow along or learn more on Instagram at @_justchoice or visit www.justchoice.org and click the green button to subscribe to their newsletter.

Interior of the Kentucky State Capitol in Frankfort where lawmakers debate and pass legislation

What is a shell bill? And other sneaky ways Kentucky Lawmakers pass legislation.

What is a shell bill? Kentucky’s legislative process follows a set of rules, but there are several common ways lawmakers can reshape or fast-track bills.

Fun fact: Kentucky lawmakers can’t just go around filing new legislation throughout the entire legislative session. 

They have a deadline to file new bills each year, weeks before the end of the legislative session. 

This helps you know exactly what could possibly be considered during the height of the session, without fear of some sort of surprise — or at least, that’s what it is supposed to do. 

Kentucky’s Republican-dominated legislature has plenty of ways to get around that concept to legally spring new legislation on you at the last second, or to rush things through when you’re not expecting it.

Let me break down a few of the most common ways , so you can think like they do. 

What is the bill filing deadline in Kentucky?

Lawmakers typically have until late February or early March to file new legislation during Kentucky’s legislative sessions. 

The exact date depends on the year. Filing deadlines tend to be earlier in odd-numbered years, when Kentucky’s legislative session lasts 30 legislative days from the first week in January until the end of March. 

In even-numbered years, lawmakers meet almost daily from January until mid-April, so the deadlines tend to be a bit later. 

But basically, the idea is all bills for that year must be filed by the deadline set. Typically, the House and Senate have slightly different deadlines, but they’re generally in the same week. 

What is a shell bill?

A shell bill is a bill filed before the filing deadline, but doesn’t actually do anything because it is meant to be stuffed with an actual bill after the deadline.

Shell bills can typically be identified by bills that are just supposed to insert gender-neutral language (so, expanding “he” in current law to “he or she” but not changing anything else) or ones meant to make technical corrections and … nothing else. 

You’ll often see lawmakers file a few of these in a clump in the week or so before the filing deadline — especially if they’re committee chairs in charge of legislation around a certain topic. 

Basically, it is a signal they could file something on a certain topic, but they don’t have it ready yet. Many of the shell bills that get filed don’t turn into anything — they’re simply potential placeholders. 

But, technically, as long as the bill is filed in time, it can turn into anything.

What is a committee sub?

One of the big ways a bill could take on a new life at the last second is through a committee substitute — typically just called a committee sub.

This is when a bill’s sponsor changes the bill before it gets a committee vote. (You can run through the whole legislative process, step-by-step, using our explainer.) Bills need to get a committee vote in both the House and the Senate, so bills can have multiple committee subs throughout its lifespan. 

A committee must approve of the new version of the bill before it passes the bill itself. Only rarely do committees reject committee subs. 

Committee subs can be used for any type of change, from a quick technical fix to a major redesign. And they don’t always have to stick exactly to the concept of the initial bill — a measure about wastewater can be gutted to overhaul the state’s pension system, for example. (Yes, that example really did happen.)

Committee subs — particularly late in the legislative session — also don’t typically get shared publicly before they’re voted on. Sometimes, lawmakers on the committees don’t get a copy in time for them to read it and vote on it. 

Rushing legislation

Another thing to watch for: Timing. 

Each bill needs three “readings” on the House and Senate floors across three different days before getting a vote. (They don’t actually read the full bill; they just acknowledge it.)

Ideally, a bill would pass out of a committee and then get its first reading that afternoon — giving lawmakers and the public a chance to read and sit with the bill, and for the public to contact lawmakers about it if needed before it gets a House or Senate vote.

But sometimes — again, typically late in session, when pressure is high and time is short — they’ll give a bill two of its three readings, then propose a committee sub in the morning, get the committee’s approval, and then pass it out of the House or Senate just a few hours later. 

This means they can — and frequently do — quickly overhaul legislation, and then clear multiple legislative hurdles before the bill is even posted online for the public to view. 

Floor amendments

Floor amendments are also a way — albeit a less successful and less used way — to quickly change a bill. Think of this option as the Hail Mary, last ditch attempt at getting your way. 

Basically, a lawmaker can file a floor amendment — some proposed change, large or small — to a bill and then try to have the chamber vote to make those changes to the bill before voting on the bill itself in the House or Senate. 

One common late-session type of floor amendment is called “piggybacking” — basically when a lawmaker knows their bill isn’t going anywhere, so they’re going to try adding it to a radically different bill. 

But unless the amendment is coming from the bill’s sponsor, it typically doesn’t go anywhere. 

What you can do

All of this can be difficult to track. Here are a few ways to stay on top of what’s happening in Frankfort:

 

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers and law enforcement agents gather around a vehicle during an immigration enforcement operation at night.

ICE enforcement, sanctuary bans among immigration bills filed in Kentucky legislature

Kentucky lawmakers largely have little control over ICE and immigration, but that hasn’t stopped them from filing at least 10 measures dealing with one of the country’s most divisive issues. 

Here’s a look at what has been filed thus far and where it stands in Frankfort as lawmakers head into the second half of the 2026 legislative session.

‘Harassing’ ICE agents could be a crime

Senate Bill 104: Anyone within 25 feet of a first responder — including ICE agents — who stays there after being told to move back could be guilty of a crime. Some opponents to the bill fear this could restrict protestors’ First Amendment rights to film and protest ICE. 

Status: Passed out of the Senate and the House as of March 25.

No more sanctuary city policies

House Bill 361: Local and state governmental agencies couldn’t have sanctuary city policies, and would be required to use reasonable resources to work with federal immigration officials. 

Status: Assigned to the House Judiciary Committee.

Must follow and enforce federal law

Senate Bill 86: Local law enforcement and the Kentucky State Police would be required to sign 287(g) agreements with federal immigration officials to help ICE.

Status: Waiting on a committee assignment in the Senate. 

House Bill 47: Requires basically the same thing as SB 86.

Status: Assigned to the House Judiciary Committee.

Seeking a job, working could be a criminal offense

House Bill 62: Anyone illegally in the country found to be looking for a job or work and/or actively working in Kentucky could be hit with a Class A misdemeanor. 

Status: Assigned to House Judiciary Committee.

No pretrial release

House Bill 76: Anyone who can’t prove they’re a citizen is not eligible for pretrial release if they’re arrested, and jails holding someone who can’t prove citizenship are required to contact DHS.

Status: Assigned to House Judiciary Committee.

Can’t run for elected office

Multiple immigration-related bills seek to restrict non-naturalized citizens from running for and holding public office, including at the local level:

  • House Bill 441: Asks for voters to amend the state constitution to require candidates for state-level offices to be a citizen solely of the United States and to have been that way for at least 18 years. 
  • House Bill 186: Focuses on local offices, preventing non-natural born citizens or those with dual citizenship from holding office.
  • House Bill 259: Similar to HB 441, but with slightly different language.

All are currently assigned to a committee, but waiting for a first vote.

Identification would say citizenship status

House Bill 70: Starting next year, entities issuing IDs would need to mark whether or not someone is a citizen of the US on those IDs.

Status: Assigned to the House Transportation Committee.

Kentucky Rep. Bill Wesley speaks into a microphone during a legislative meeting at the Kentucky State Capitol in Frankfort.

Kentucky Rep. Bill Wesley files HB 867 requiring transgender people to use birth-sex bathrooms

Transgender and gender nonconforming Kentuckians would be forced to use the bathroom tied to their assigned sex at birth under a new Republican bill.

House Bill 867, filed by Rep. Bill Wesley (R-Ravenna), would apply to all “multi-occupancy private spaces” in public buildings in Kentucky — so, bathrooms and locker rooms in any space owned, leased or operated by state and local governments. 

Anyone wishing to use those facilities would be required to use the one tied to their assigned sex at birth, and the bill only includes male and female sexes. 

HB 867 includes several exceptions for those caring for a child, elderly person or someone with a disability, emergency personnel or instances where their assigned bathroom is out of order. 

At least 10 other Republicans have signed on to co-sponsor the legislation since it was filed Tuesday.

Wesley has vowed to file legislation along these lines for nearly a year after he went viral in right-wing circles for accosting a transgender woman for using a women’s restroom at the state Capitol last March during a trans joy and visibility event. 

That altercation spiraled across one of the final days of Kentucky’s 2025 legislative session, resulting in claims that Sen. Karen Berg — a Louisville Democrat who lost her transgender son to suicide in 2022 — “slapped” him on the House floor after a visibly terse exchange between the two, leading to Berg losing her privileges to be on the House floor. 

Wesley has tried to push for “bathroom bans” before, including getting part of his proposal to limit access to school bathrooms added to Kentucky’s 2023 Senate Bill 150, which was seen as one of the worst pieces of anti-trans legislation that year. 

Lawmakers have until April 1 to pass any legislation that Gov. Andy Beshear may veto. 

 

Kentucky Sen. Gex Williams speaks at a podium inside the Kentucky State Capitol in Frankfort while addressing lawmakers and media.

Kentucky Sen. Gex Williams files SB 351 targeting transgender teachers’ licenses

Republican Sen. Gex Williams’ bill would deny or revoke teaching licenses based on outdated ADA definitions tied to gender identity and other disorders.

Transgender teachers would no longer be allowed in Kentucky classrooms under a new Republican proposal.

Senate Bill 351, from Sen. Gex Williams (R-Verona), says teaching licenses could not be issued to or renewed for educators who have been “treated for or diagnosed with any disorder that is excluded from the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990” based on the criteria used at that time.

ADA excluded a short list of disorders from federal protections for those with disabilities, including a few options of now-outdated language around being transgender or having what is now known as gender dysphoria. 

The short list also includes pedophilia, compulsive gambling, kleptomania, pyromania and substance use disorders tied to illegal drug use. 

Current or would-be educators would need to swear under perjury that they’ve never been treated for or diagnosed with one of the impacted disorders when they apply for or go to renew their teaching license. 

Under SB 351, Kentucky’s teacher certification board would be required to investigate any and all complaints against educators who someone says may be showing “easily identifiable” signs and symptoms of a disorder, including potentially forcing teachers to undergo medical examinations and provide the results to the board in order to keep teaching or lose their license. 

Eric Russ, the executive director of the Kentucky Psychological Association, said the organization strongly opposes the bill. 

“Psychological science shows us that LGBTQ+ youth are harmed by the absence of supportive educators,” a statement from the KPA reads. “This bill would deter teachers from seeking mental health care, require sworn perjury statements about abandoned diagnoses, and remove qualified educators based on identity rather than conduct.” 

SB 351 would require professionals to use decades-old criteria, rather than current medical standards. 

“Psychology, like all sciences, evolves to reflect advances in understanding of neuroscience, epidemiology, medicine, and behavioral health,” KPA’s statement says. “By anchoring this law to the outdated 1987 DSM-III-R, the bill invokes classifications the profession abandoned decades ago for lack of scientific support, including the characterization of homosexuality and gender nonconformity as diagnosable disorders.”

Compelled medical examinations also bring significant ethical concerns and questions from providers and educators alike, along with fears that outting someone for getting mental health treatment will worsen the stigma tied to receiving such care. 

SB 351 was filed Monday — the last day to file new bills in the Kentucky Senate. Kentucky lawmakers have until April 1 to pass bills that Gov. Andy Beshear — a vocal supporter of both the LGBTQ+ community and Kentucky’s public educators — may veto. 

Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear speaks at the Fairness Rally in Frankfort during the 2026 legislative session as anti-LGBTQ bills advance.

Gov. Andy Beshear, Silas House rally supporters at Kentucky Fairness Rally as anti-LGBTQ bills advance

As Kentucky’s legislative session rages on, Wednesday saw a scene frequently all too absent at the state Capitol: Unwavering queer joy, strength and solidarity led by Gov. Andy Beshear.

LGBTQ+ people and their allies, sitting lawmakers and political candidates, labor organizers and racial justice advocates, one drag queen and at least two tiny black bunnies all piled into a meeting space near the Capitol Wednesday afternoon for the annual Fairness Rally. 

This year’s event looked a little different. The rally’s normal location in the storied, marbled Capitol Rotunda is closed for renovations, forcing the event into the far smaller, far less majestic Capitol Education Center — a nondescript, unassuming government building on the edge of the Capitol grounds more frequently home to school field trip groups than hundreds rallying for LGBTQ+ rights. 

But the energy, enthusiasm, rousing speeches and thundering applause synonymous with the Fairness Rally and LGBTQ+ advocacy in Frankfort remained the same. 

For around an hour, a star-studded list of speakers including Gov. Andy Beshear and Kentucky’s first openly gay poet laureate Silas House encouraged the audience to remain resilient and don’t let Kentucky’s often hostile political environment discourage and drain you.

Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear speaks at the Fairness Rally in Frankfort during the 2026 legislative session as anti-LGBTQ bills advance.

Gov. Andy Beshear speaks at the annual Fairness Rally in Frankfort, urging supporters to remain resilient as lawmakers consider Senate Bill 72 and House Bill 468 during the 2026 legislative session. Photo by Skylar Davis.

“Don’t back down — not to a Republican supermajority here, not to a president elsewhere,” Beshear said. “We know what’s right. We know we’re on the side of right, and I’ll keep standing up to him, or them, because I believe in you.”

Beshear became the first sitting governor to attend the Fairness Rally years ago, and he still shows up. And as the Democrat’s national profile grows amid a potential presidential run, his defense of the LGBTQ+ community has been a major talking point. 

Beshear has vetoed most anti-LGBTQ+ bills that have come across his desk from the GOP supermajority legislature (vetoes that were swiftly overridden). More bills may end up on his desk in a few weeks, as Kentucky’s legislative session heads into March. 

At least eight bills that could have a negative impact on the LGBTQ+ community have been filed so far this session, and lawmakers have until the first week of March to file new legislation. 

Two key bills brought up Wednesday were Senate Bill 72, which would allow health care providers to refuse to do any service they feel violates their beliefs, and House Bill 468, which would make it harder to enforce local fairness ordinances. 

SB 72 passed out of the Senate earlier this month and now awaits its fate in the House, while HB 468 passed out of committee Wednesday and could get a full House vote as early as Friday. 

Kentucky poet laureate Silas House speaks at the Fairness Rally in Frankfort during the 2026 legislative session.

Kentucky Poet Laureate Silas House speaks at the annual Fairness Rally in Frankfort, encouraging resilience as lawmakers consider bills impacting the LGBTQ community during the 2026 legislative session. Photo by Skylar Davis.

Other bills that have been filed but haven’t started moving in the legislative process seek to restrict drag performers and restrict access to gender-affirming medical care for those on taxpayer-funded health plans. 

There are still several weeks left in the legislative session, and the pace is picking up. Several reminded folks to stay vigilant and engaged. 

“When we refuse to back down, they will have no choice but to listen,” Senate Minority Floor Leader Gerald Neal, a Louisville Democrat, said. “Fairness is not up for debate. 

“We will not wait for permission to claim what is rightfully ours,” he continued. “We will keep pushing, we will keep fighting, and we will make sure that when history looks back on this moment, it will see not just the injustice we faced, but the strength of the people who refuse to accept it.”

Sen. Donald Douglas, R-Nicholasville, speaks at a microphone during a Kentucky Senate Committee on Health Services meeting in Frankfort, presenting Senate Bill 72 (SB 72). He sits at a desk with papers in front of him, wearing a dark suit and red patterned tie, as attendees listen in the background.

Kentucky Senate Advances SB 72 Allowing Health Care Employees and Providers to Refuse Services on Religious Grounds

Kentucky lawmakers are again trying to allow health care providers a way out of performing procedures or services that “violate their conscience” — potentially impacting thousands of Kentuckians, particularly those who are LGBTQ+. 

Senate Bill 72 (SB 72) — sponsored by Republican Sen. Donald Douglas, a Nicholasville-based doctor — cleared Kentucky’s Senate Friday on a 28-5 vote. All five votes against the bill came from Democrats. 

It now heads to the House, which almost passed the same bill last year before running out of time. Kentucky’s GOP-dominated legislature, though, has more time this year, with weeks left in the session. 

As written, the bill would let a range of people involved in health care — from doctors and nurses, to social workers and medical researchers, to anyone deemed a “hospital employee” — along with both public and private health care institutions — including hospitals, pharmacies, nursing homes and medical schools — to refuse to perform services if they feel it violates their “sincerely held religious, moral, or ethical” beliefs. 

The list of protected services listed in the bill is equally broad, with SB 72 allowing providers to object to everything from testing and diagnostics, to direct medical care, to filling prescriptions, to recordskeeping. 

The bill also largely prohibits any sort of discrimination or adverse consequence for those who object to providing services on those grounds.

SB 72 still requires health care workers to provide emergency medical assistance, as well as examinations and tests for sexual assault survivors, as mandated under federal law. 

A range of people, from religious leaders to LGBTQ+ advocates to the ACLU of Kentucky, testified against the bill in committee Wednesday. 

Jacks Gilles, a Louisville-based psychologist who frequently works with the LGBTQ+ community, said he’s heard countless stories of patients facing discrimination in health care settings during his more than 20 years of practice.

“The harm goes deeper than an instance of denied or inadequate treatment,” he said. “It elevates anxiety and avoidance of health care settings that can exacerbate illness and prevent life-saving treatment.” 

Gilles said the Kentucky Psychological Association strongly opposes SB 72. A 2024 poll found 76% of Kentuckians — including people from across ideological lines — oppose legislation like SB 72 that would allow health care providers to deny service on religious or moral grounds. 

In the bill and during Wednesday’s Senate committee vote, Douglas defended the measure, pointing to Kentucky’s statewide hospital workforce vacancy rate and arguing the bill will help recruit and keep workers.

“Forcing health care professionals to violate their conscience could force them out of their profession and prevent or discourage students from entering the medical field,” the bill reads. 

Kentucky’s hospital staffing levels, though, have been on an upswing in recent years, moving from a statewide vacancy rate of 15.3% in 2023 to 8.9% in the most recent report from the Kentucky Hospital Association. 

SB 72 has an emergency clause, meaning if it is passed into law, it would immediately go into effect. (Bills passed during Kentucky’s legislative session typically go into effect 90 days after the last day of session.) 

This story has been updated.

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