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Kentucky’s Competing Laws Make a Senate Vacancy Anything But Simple

Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell’s extended hospital stay has sparked more than conspiracy theories and proof-of-life memes. It’s raised a question Kentucky politicians and officials are grappling with: If a vacancy were to occur, who decides who will represent Kentucky in the U.S. Senate

McConnell, 84, has not made a public appearance since being hospitalized on June 14 following what he described in a statement as a fall that left him “briefly unconscious.” “My doctors have confirmed that I didn’t break any bones or suffer a concussion. I didn’t have a heart attack or a stroke. I don’t have any tumors or hemorrhages,” he said. His office published additional statements in late July saying he is still having “intense physical therapy.”

While his office has issued assurances that McConnell is stable and pushing through a rigorous regimen of physical therapy, two recently released bedside photos with his wife Elaine Chao have been mocked for their “staged” vibes, fueling speculation ranging from claims that the senator is on life support to suggestions that he is purposely convalescing to avoid dealing with the SAVE Act. For some, his absence at Fancy Farm was the last straw, and Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear has been leading the charge among Democrats to call for the senator’s resignation. Were he to do so, what follows isn’t straightforward.

RELATED: What Can a Governor Do If a Sitting Senator Disappears?

“It’s actually pretty complicated,” Joshua A. Douglas, a professor and associate dean for research at the University of Kentucky Rosenberg College of Law, told Queer Kentucky. “And I think there’s a decent chance the issue could end up in the courts.”

To be clear, McConnell may be absent from the Senate floor, but he still has the seat — though senators are not permitted to vote when absent. McConnell has missed 46 votes since being hospitalized, and the empty chair has generated interest in an unresolved constitutional question involving Kentucky law and competing U.S. constitutional provisions.

Wielding a vote, a senator can affect federal legislation like the Equality Act, approve funding for programs including HIV prevention and treatment, and influence judicial confirmations that could be highly consequential for LGBTQ+ rights, such as marriage equality and trans protections.

In Kentucky, competing state laws are creating uncertainty about how a vacancy would be filled, should one arise — typically, this would happen as a result of death, resignation or expulsion from the Senate.

“Before 2024, Kentucky law allowed the governor to appoint a successor if there is a vacancy from a list of three people provided by the outgoing senator’s party,” explained Douglas. “But the legislature passed a new law in 2024, House Bill 622, that takes away the governor’s authority to fill a vacancy.”

That bill had been introduced in the wake of McConnell’s February 28, 2024, announcement that he would step down as Senate Republican leader, while serving the remainder of his term. While the bill was winding its way through Kentucky’s General Assembly, Beshear, a Democrat, vetoed it, but Kentucky’s GOP-controlled House and Senate overrode the veto.

“So, if there is a vacancy, the governor would call a special election,” said Douglas.

But it’s tricky.

RELATED: Sorry, Thomas Massie Is Not Running for McConnell’s Senate Seat

“The Kentucky Constitution Section 152 seems to contradict this,” Douglas told Queer Kentucky, quoting the provision’s language: “Vacancies in all offices for the state at large, or for districts larger than a county, shall be filled by appointment of the governor.”

And it gets more complicated when the 17th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is taken into account. It establishes a federal framework, but how that framework interacts with Kentucky’s constitution and current statute is where things get murky.

The amendment permits a governor to make a temporary appointment until the vacancy is filled by election, if state law allows such appointments. Most states permit a governor to make a temporary appointment as per the 17th Amendment, and Kentucky law allowed this for about 80 years, until 2021, when McConnell and fellow Republicans backed a bill that was passed by the Republican-controlled legislature, which restricted how Beshear might fill a vacancy.

Per Kentucky’s current statute (HB 622), that would involve a special election. The person would only serve for the remainder of the current term, said Douglas. There would still be a regular election for the term that starts January 3, 2027, when the next U.S. Congress begins.

“Hence the contradiction,” he said, “The 17th Amendment says the legislature may authorize the governor to appoint a temporary replacement, the Kentucky Constitution says the governor appoints one, and the Kentucky legislature now says there must be a special election after the new law.”

Timing adds another layer of uncertainty.

While the current law says that there is a 63-day deadline for notice and a 56-day deadline for filing, Douglas said he doesn’t see a deadline requirement for the governor to call the special election.

“I don’t see anything in the law providing a deadline for when the Governor must call the special election. But the 63-day notice and 56-day deadline for filing certainly impacts this all.”

Considering that November 3 is the scheduled general election day to determine who will replace McConnell at the end of his term, Beshear would have to issue a “proclamation” that sheriffs receive by September 1. County sheriffs are responsible for giving public notice of elections. So Candidates would need to file by September 8 if the special election were to be held by November 3.

If those deadlines are not met, it’s unclear when the special election would be held to fill the remainder of McConnell’s term, should the seat become vacant. That raises the question as to whether the special election could be held on or after the scheduled general election on November 3 to determine who serves the new six-year Senate term starting January 2027.

RELATED: Mitch McConnell’s Health: Why Congress Owes You Nothing

All things considered, given the latest change in current law enacted by Republican legislators in 2024 (HB 622), the most likely outcome would be a special election with a good chance the matter gets taken up by the Kentucky court system – potentially working its way from Circuit Court to Kentucky Court of Appeals to the Supreme Court of Kentucky – to address the question as to whether the governor has the constitutional authority or obligation to make a temporary appointment.

As for working its way up to SCOTUS? It probably won’t reach the U.S. Supreme Court, because it’s really a matter of Kentucky constitutional law, and also, the 17th Amendment permits a state legislature (governor) to make a temporary appointment – but doesn’t require it.

With Republicans holding a narrow majority of 53-47, even a temporary vacancy – or a Democrat appointee – could affect legislation and political dynamics for the whole country. While Republican U.S. Rep. Andy Barr and Democrat Charles Booker are on course to challenge each other in the general election for McConnell’s seat, it’s not a given that they would be selected to face off against each other in a special election. That uncertainty of timing, authority, and eventually who is on the ballot is probably going to remain unresolved until McConnell’s seat becomes vacant or his term simply ends. 

Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell’s extended hospital stay has sparked more than conspiracy theories and proof-of-life memes. It’s raised a question Kentucky politicians and officials are grappling with: If a vacancy were to occur, who decides who will represent Kentucky in the U.S. Senate

McConnell, 84, has not made a public appearance since being hospitalized on June 14 following what he described in a statement as a fall that left him “briefly unconscious.” “My doctors have confirmed that I didn’t break any bones or suffer a concussion. I didn’t have a heart attack or a stroke. I don’t have any tumors or hemorrhages,” he said. His office published additional statements in late July saying he is still having “intense physical therapy.”

While his office has issued assurances that McConnell is stable and pushing through a rigorous regimen of physical therapy, two recently released bedside photos with his wife Elaine Chao have been mocked for their “staged” vibes, fueling speculation ranging from claims that the senator is on life support to suggestions that he is purposely convalescing to avoid dealing with the SAVE Act. For some, his absence at Fancy Farm was the last straw, and Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear has been leading the charge among Democrats to call for the senator’s resignation. Were he to do so, what follows isn’t straightforward.

RELATED: What Can a Governor Do If a Sitting Senator Disappears?

“It’s actually pretty complicated,” Joshua A. Douglas, a professor and associate dean for research at the University of Kentucky Rosenberg College of Law, told Queer Kentucky. “And I think there’s a decent chance the issue could end up in the courts.”

To be clear, McConnell may be absent from the Senate floor, but he still has the seat — though senators are not permitted to vote when absent. McConnell has missed 46 votes since being hospitalized, and the empty chair has generated interest in an unresolved constitutional question involving Kentucky law and competing U.S. constitutional provisions.

Wielding a vote, a senator can affect federal legislation like the Equality Act, approve funding for programs including HIV prevention and treatment, and influence judicial confirmations that could be highly consequential for LGBTQ+ rights, such as marriage equality and trans protections.

In Kentucky, competing state laws are creating uncertainty about how a vacancy would be filled, should one arise — typically, this would happen as a result of death, resignation or expulsion from the Senate.

“Before 2024, Kentucky law allowed the governor to appoint a successor if there is a vacancy from a list of three people provided by the outgoing senator’s party,” explained Douglas. “But the legislature passed a new law in 2024, House Bill 622, that takes away the governor’s authority to fill a vacancy.”

That bill had been introduced in the wake of McConnell’s February 28, 2024, announcement that he would step down as Senate Republican leader, while serving the remainder of his term. While the bill was winding its way through Kentucky’s General Assembly, Beshear, a Democrat, vetoed it, but Kentucky’s GOP-controlled House and Senate overrode the veto.

“So, if there is a vacancy, the governor would call a special election,” said Douglas.

But it’s tricky.

RELATED: Sorry, Thomas Massie Is Not Running for McConnell’s Senate Seat

“The Kentucky Constitution Section 152 seems to contradict this,” Douglas told Queer Kentucky, quoting the provision’s language: “Vacancies in all offices for the state at large, or for districts larger than a county, shall be filled by appointment of the governor.”

And it gets more complicated when the 17th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is taken into account. It establishes a federal framework, but how that framework interacts with Kentucky’s constitution and current statute is where things get murky.

The amendment permits a governor to make a temporary appointment until the vacancy is filled by election, if state law allows such appointments. Most states permit a governor to make a temporary appointment as per the 17th Amendment, and Kentucky law allowed this for about 80 years, until 2021, when McConnell and fellow Republicans backed a bill that was passed by the Republican-controlled legislature, which restricted how Beshear might fill a vacancy.

Per Kentucky’s current statute (HB 622), that would involve a special election. The person would only serve for the remainder of the current term, said Douglas. There would still be a regular election for the term that starts January 3, 2027, when the next U.S. Congress begins.

“Hence the contradiction,” he said, “The 17th Amendment says the legislature may authorize the governor to appoint a temporary replacement, the Kentucky Constitution says the governor appoints one, and the Kentucky legislature now says there must be a special election after the new law.”

Timing adds another layer of uncertainty.

While the current law says that there is a 63-day deadline for notice and a 56-day deadline for filing, Douglas said he doesn’t see a deadline requirement for the governor to call the special election.

“I don’t see anything in the law providing a deadline for when the Governor must call the special election. But the 63-day notice and 56-day deadline for filing certainly impacts this all.”

Considering that November 3 is the scheduled general election day to determine who will replace McConnell at the end of his term, Beshear would have to issue a “proclamation” that sheriffs receive by September 1. County sheriffs are responsible for giving public notice of elections. So Candidates would need to file by September 8 if the special election were to be held by November 3.

If those deadlines are not met, it’s unclear when the special election would be held to fill the remainder of McConnell’s term, should the seat become vacant. That raises the question as to whether the special election could be held on or after the scheduled general election on November 3 to determine who serves the new six-year Senate term starting January 2027.

RELATED: Mitch McConnell’s Health: Why Congress Owes You Nothing

All things considered, given the latest change in current law enacted by Republican legislators in 2024 (HB 622), the most likely outcome would be a special election with a good chance the matter gets taken up by the Kentucky court system – potentially working its way from Circuit Court to Kentucky Court of Appeals to the Supreme Court of Kentucky – to address the question as to whether the governor has the constitutional authority or obligation to make a temporary appointment.

As for working its way up to SCOTUS? It probably won’t reach the U.S. Supreme Court, because it’s really a matter of Kentucky constitutional law, and also, the 17th Amendment permits a state legislature (governor) to make a temporary appointment – but doesn’t require it.

With Republicans holding a narrow majority of 53-47, even a temporary vacancy – or a Democrat appointee – could affect legislation and political dynamics for the whole country. While Republican U.S. Rep. Andy Barr and Democrat Charles Booker are on course to challenge each other in the general election for McConnell’s seat, it’s not a given that they would be selected to face off against each other in a special election. That uncertainty of timing, authority, and eventually who is on the ballot is probably going to remain unresolved until McConnell’s seat becomes vacant or his term simply ends. 

University of Kentucky Queer Students Face Policy Backlash

Queer students at the University of Kentucky are concerned because of policies created by the Trump administration that the university is adopting. While federal policy changes may sometimes seem theoretical, recent research suggests that a lack of perceived university support is linked to worsening mental health among queer students nationwide.

UK has already seen queer student organizations and events targeted by policies handed down by Trump officials. 

University of Kentucky Rolls Back LGBTQ+ Protections

The first sign of a shift in university policy came in April 2025, when Jay Blanton, University of Kentucky’s vice president for university relations and chief communications officer, told the Herald Leader that UK halted LGBTQ+ graduation celebrations “in accordance with state and federal law.” Additionally, the change came in cooperation with state law House Bill 4, which prohibits differential student housing based on factors like gender, the University removed gender-inclusive housing.

Funding Pulled From LGBTQ+ Student Organizations

Then, in October 2025, Kentucky Kernel reported that LGBTQ+ student organizations STEMgiQueers and OUTLaw had UK support and funding to participate in a professional development conference revoked. This was attributed to the University’s attempt to comply with a new directive by the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights regarding the university-endorsed minority organizations and events. During the spring 2026 semester, Carson English, then UK’s Gender Sexuality Alliance (GSA) president, a queer rights activist, and public policy student told Queer Kentucky how these changes were affecting LGBTQ+ UK students urging the university to support LGBTQ+ students. He said he’s seen a change in queer students since the policies. 

“I have noticed a decrease in, you know, student usage of safe spaces on campus. Less students are coming in,” he said. He also feels the concern personally. 

When asked if he believes UK’s campus is more or less safe compared to previous years, English said, “I say a little bit less safe.” 

English self-categorized as someone who can “sort of [straight] pass.” 

He added: “I’m not usually the target of any sort of hate crimes, hate speech, anything like that.”

“I don’t understand why queer groups are being targeted so much,” English said. “I’m not doing anything to harm them. I’m not doing anything to harm anybody… it feels like such a small percentage of the population is being targeted at such a large scale.” 

Anti-LGBTQ+ Groups Gain Ground on Campus

Beyond administrative changes, student organizations described as being anti-LGBTQ+ have seemed to increase their presence perhaps emboldened by UK’s enforcement of arguably inequitable policy. Student representatives for Turning Point USA (TPUSA) have become hard to miss. Even though an investigation has been initiated by UK regarding leaked TPUSA group chat messages claimed to allegedly normalize violence and participate in discriminatory harassment, the group still has increasingly promoted anti-LGBTQ+ messaging, including by highlighting voices like prominent anti-trans activist Riley Gaines.

English said that while he thinks there are more private anti-LGBTQ+ events, most students remained supportive. 

“I think from what I’ve seen, what’s happening is the vast majority of students are not in support of the changes, or are allies, or part of the queer community, and sort of in private spaces, hate speech has increased such as the group chats that were leaked from TPUSA,” he explained.

When asked if he felt supported by the university, English responded, “No.” 

He said he felt that university officials kept deferring blame to the state or federal government, as opposed to being non-complicit, taking accountability, or at least communicating changes better to students. 

“I think the way… that management or the higher-ups of the university are conducting this and managing themselves in this situation is cowardly,” English said.

English graduated this year. As he thinks of the job market that awaits him now, he said that losing the university support leading up to this huge change felt “uneasy.”

University officials did not respond to Queer Kentucky’s request for comment.

He explained that while it’s been difficult for his organization, the GSA’s members have come together. 

“It’s just made us stronger in our convictions,” English said. 

Researcher creates study to explore mental health and resilience of LGBTQ+ youth in Appalachian Kentucky

According to the Appalachian Regional Commission, Kentucky has 1.2 million residents over 54 Appalachian counties. However, a general search on the website using keywords like “LGBT” or “queer” provides zero results. 

“If we don’t have the data, then we can’t know how to meet the needs, address the inequalities, or support individuals,” said Holden Dillman, a licensed clinical social worker and doctoral student at the University of Kentucky who lives in Eastern Kentucky and provides telehealth psychotherapy to individuals and couples across the state—particularly those in the LGBTQ+ community—through Bridge Counseling and Wellness, based in Louisville.

Dillman is working on a new study called We Are Here, focusing on the unique mental health challenges and resilience of sexual and gender minority youth in Appalachia.

According to a 2017 report by the American Psychological Association on Sexual Identity and Risk Behaviors Among Adolescents in Rural Appalachia, LGBQ+ youth showed higher signs of risks including bullying, poor mental health outcomes, substance abuse problems and lower academic achievement. 

The study, conducted in two western North Carolina high schools, had over 2,000 students participate in the Youth Risk Behavior Survey created by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Of the students who answered the survey, LGBTQ+ students were at five times the risk for reporting suicide risk factors and perceived a lower level of school and community support than their heterosexual counterparts. 

Despite providing a snapshot of the region’s youth population, the study left some gaps. One of the gaps included any insight into the transgender experience, with the only sex options on the survey being male or female.

“Right now, the research isn’t as diverse as what it could be,” said Dillman, who has been working with a limited dataset, adding, “there’s not a lot of data that from a national kind of perspective really speaks to this experience.”

Dillman will use a mixed methods study approach, looking at information from a national secondary dataset as quantitative data and primary interviews from recruited participants in Appalachia as qualitative data.

His goal is to focus on the intersection of self-esteem, acceptance, and regional culture within the Appalachia youth ranging in ages 12 to 32. 

For the interview portion of the study, participants will be asked a set of open-ended questions, aimed at providing deeper conversations. “The goal is to get to the essence of the lived experience,” said Dillman, about creating a space for people to reflect on impacts both internally and externally. 

Only individuals who are currently living or lived in the Appalachian region through their adolescence will qualify to participate in an interview for the study. 

As a native Southeastern Kentuckian, for Dillman it was important to name the study We Are Here because it fights back against a “sad story of trauma” often referenced with Appalachian queer-lived experiences. 

“We’re not just surviving anymore, we’re actually thriving in a lot of ways,” he said. 

To expand the reach of the study set to begin receiving applicants in June, Dillman has partnered with Queer Kentucky. 

For Dillman, the collaboration goes beyond the research. He hopes the results will lead to tangible change by “working together to make sure that it’s being translated to benefit the communities that it involves.”

Some of the ways Dillman hopes it’ll create change include by informing policies and interventions that better support the well-being of youth in rural communities.

Almost a year since his start in assembling the We Are Here study, Dillman plans to start interviews in July and said the process could last up to six months. For interested applicants, the interest form is now live.

“We’re at a point in academia, in research and in science where person-centered research is validated and it is reliable,” he said.

Queer Kentucky, Moore Lab launch interactive data dashboard featuring experiences of 3,000+ LGBTQ+ Kentuckians

Curious about what is important to LGBTQ+ Kentuckians? Check out this groundbreaking survey.

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