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A collage featuring a gloved hand holding multiple syringes against a pink and blue torn paper background with faded text reading "I'm not surprised by the lack of education anymore. I'm just tired. Does this feel safe to me right now?" On the right, a person in sunglasses and a keffiyeh blows bubbles at a protest, shown in a blue-pink duotone.

Barriers, burnout, and resistance: Trans Kentuckians and the fight for healthcare

When clients walk into one of psychotherapist Sebastian Hamilton’s Louisville offices, they enter a cozy haven filled with soft lighting and pillows, nature posters, art supplies, and baskets of fidget toys. A linocut art print hanging on the wall features the Mary Oliver quote: “You only have to let the soft animal of your body love what it loves.”

Hamilton, whose pronouns are he/they, strives to create the kind of supportive environment he experienced with a trans mental health professional when he was exploring his own gender identity. This work has been complicated over the past year amid growing anxieties about state and federal anti-transgender legislation.

Hamilton, who became a Licensed Clinical Social Worker in 2023 — the same year the Kentucky state legislature passed a sweeping ban on gender affirming care for minors — said, “I’ve been seeing an increase in anxiety and exhaustion, especially since Trump’s second term. I see a lot more hopelessness and weariness.”

He has also seen a rise in the primary contributing factors that lead to suicidal ideation: perceived burdensomeness and thwarted belongingness, which he attributed to “this administration’s policies and the ways the administration has made local communities feel less safe for us.”

“I see people at all stages of their transition journey, and there is still so much joy in our community, so much strength. But sometimes, the joy is harder to access because of the ways things are impacting us on the interpersonal and national level when we have new, harmful legislation coming at us daily,” he said.

The impact on trans health and healthcare

2025 marked the sixth consecutive record-breaking year of anti-trans legislation. In Kentucky alone, 18 bills were introduced, including KY HB 495, which banned Medicaid from covering trans healthcare.

Kentucky, 2025

18 anti-trans bills
introduced in 2025
KY HB 495 — banned Medicaid from covering transgender healthcare

Trans Legislation Tracker, translegislation.com

Anti-trans legislation introduced, 2022–2025

State bills vs. national bills — six consecutive record-breaking years

State bills National bills
900
600
300
174
 
2022
556
 
 
2023
716
 
 
2024
1,131
 
 
2025

Trans Legislation Tracker, translegislation.com

In this environment, patients seeking gender-affirming care, such as hormone replacement therapy (HRT) or surgery, are nervous about medical documentation. Colby R. Loew, MD, whose pronouns are she/they, is a queer family medicine physician in Kentucky who is passionate about trans healthcare.

“I love getting to care for my people, my community. I love getting to care for people who, in the past, maybe weren’t so excited about going to the doctor or who were too nervous to even access care,” she said.

However, over the past year, she has noticed increased anxiety in her gender diverse patients regarding medical documentation of pronouns, gender (if it differs from the one assigned at birth), and gender dysphoria.

As a result, Dr. Loew has also become more cautious about the medical codes she uses when charting. Medical codes, or ICD (International Classification of Diseases) codes, are part of an alphanumeric system for documenting patient symptoms and diagnoses.

Loew told Queer Kentucky, “I haven’t really even been using gender dysphoria much as a code because I don’t need to document it that way. I just use hormone replacement therapy.”

Loew sees this as less of a risk. While a diagnosis of gender dysphoria could identify a patient as transgender, cisgender people also receive hormone replacement therapy, such as cisgender women who take testosterone during menopause.

The U.S. Department of Justice’s July subpoena of medical records related to trans healthcare from over 20 healthcare institutions demonstrates that these records are not private or safe from government overreach. Additionally, given the government’s classification of trans people as “Nihilistic Violent Extremists (NVEs)” and extremists who adhere to “radical gender ideology” as seen in a leaked Intelligence Bulletin and a DOJ memo first published by independent journalist Ken Klippenstein, the hesitation to have one’s trans identity documented in medical records makes sense.

“People are scared. They don’t want the government to know they are trans. They don’t want the government coming after them,” Loew said.

Loew mentioned that she also practices more caution when recording names and pronouns in medical charts, asking patients, “Is it okay if I put this on your chart?” Loew explained that “a lot of people are still like ‘hell yeah!’ but lately I’ve had more people saying ‘maybe not right now.’”

Ari, whose pronouns are they/them, is a Louisville-based genderfluid death care worker who spoke with Queer Kentucky under a pseudonym for privacy and safety. At recent doctor’s appointments, they have felt anxious about documentation — not just as a trans person, but as the child of an immigrant navigating a political climate that has targeted multiple minorities at once.

“Some of my anxiety over visiting doctors is not ‘Will I be treated poorly?’ It is ‘Will I be notated in a way that’s going to come back to bite me in the ass later down the line?’”

When a doctor recently switched their name in the system to “Ari (they/them),” it showed up on their prescription. “That partially makes me happy, but also puts up more question marks than anything else. Does this feel safe to me right now?”

Barriers to access

Transgender adults and medical discrimination

1 in 3
delayed or avoided medical care due to fear of discrimination
1 in 2
experienced medical discrimination due to their transgender identity

University of Chicago & Center for American Progress

Genderqueer photographer Emmett Valentín, whose pronouns are they/them, is no stranger to that discrimination. During their teen years in foster care in Kentucky, the state forced them to take birth control despite negative side effects. They suffered from severe endometriosis and PCOS for years before opting for sterilization as treatment. Valentín’s Indigenous identity compounded this mistreatment, they said, recalling America’s legacy of reproductive violence against Indigenous, Black, and marginalized communities.

When Valentín began pursuing HRT, they faced invasive questions, unnecessary testing, and pressure to recount their trauma. “I was terrified of having a health care provider be shitty to me because I’ve had enough healthcare trauma from being assigned female at birth.”

They explained that when they switched from the gender-affirming online prescription service FOLX to an in-person endocrinologist, “She did the whole ‘tell me about all of your trauma,’” to which Emmett replied, “I’m not doing that. You’re not my therapist. I’ve been on this for two years now, and it’s doing great. I just need refill.”

Emmett Valentín’s endocrinologist experience

A timeline of barriers

 
 
Step 1
Switched from FOLX to in-person endocrinologist. Faced invasive questions and pressure to recount trauma.
 
Step 2
Slight increase in red blood cell levels. Doctor refuses HRT refill. Refers Emmett to Transform Health Clinic.
 
Step 3
Earliest Transform Health appointment: 9 months away.
 
Weeks later — 12:15 pm
Doctor calls with a cancellation at the Lexington clinic — appointment at 1:30 pm, 75 minutes away.
 
Emmett’s response
“So let me get this straight. You refused to give me a refill, and you’re telling me now, if I drop everything in the middle of my workday and drive over there in record time, then I’m worthy of having healthcare.”

“You have been singlehandedly, absolutely the most invalidating healthcare experience I’ve ever had, and I want you to sit with that.”

Medical providers across all levels have felt the chilling effect of these federal and state level threats. However, both Hamilton and Loew, the mental health and medical providers who spoke with Queer Kentucky, stressed the importance of not caving in to threats or executive orders, which are not legally binding.

Lack of trained physicians

Dr. Loew told Queer Kentucky that trans healthcare was not part of her medical school curriculum. During her residency, supervising physicians were often unwilling to prescribe hormones to trans patients. “It depended on who was there with me as my supervising physician on whether the patient could get what they needed,” she said.

Research corroborates her experience. While studies show that many medical schools do discuss the topic of transgender healthcare, a 2023 study from the Baylor University Medical Center found that this coverage is not comprehensive. A 2025 study with the Journal of Medical Education and Curricular Development found that medical education on transgender health is now at heightened risk of inadequate preparation for future physicians in the wake of Executive Order 14168.

Residency programs

How trans healthcare is covered in medical education

Periodically throughout curriculum52.5%
 
Discrete modules only34.4%
 
Not covered at all10.6%
 

Baylor University Medical Center, 2023 · 160 programs surveyed

Loew disclosed that much of her trans healthcare practice has been self-taught. “The minute I could get my DEA so I could prescribe testosterone, I did.” A DEA, or Drug Enforcement Administration number, allows medical providers to prescribe controlled substances like testosterone.

The training gap

Recognition of the problem vs. action taken

82.4%
of providers named lack of training as a key barrier (National Coalition for LGBTQ+ Health, 2023)

By 2025, providers who sought training:

Any affirming training30%
 
Clinical technique training22%
 

National Coalition for LGBTQ+ Health, 2023 & 2025

23%
of trans people
have found themselves educating their own medical providers about transgender healthcare

Center for American Progress

Tammy, a Louisville resident whose pronouns are she/her, asked to use a pseudonym for safety. At a recent appointment, a nurse questioned how she had breasts without implants, asked how to spell “vaginoplasty” multiple times, then swiveled her chair around and asked, “How do they do that?”

Tammy tried to keep it light: “You should probably ask my doctor. I wasn’t paying attention at the time.”

Years earlier, an endocrinologist told her, “Oh, I guess the estrogen is working” — apparently unaware that estrogen does not eliminate active facial hair follicles, and many trans women like Tammy use electrolysis or laser hair removal to eliminate unwanted body hair. “This wasn’t even just a primary care physician. He was an endocrinologist. At a basic level, he should know how different hormones impact the body, and he just didn’t.”

“I’m not surprised by the lack of education anymore. I’m just tired.”

Trans Kentuckians fear experiences like Valentín’s and Tammy’s could become more common with threats to federal funding for institutions that provide gender-affirming care and empowerment from state and federal governments to deny such care.

Trans Kentuckians refuse to disappear

Despite everything, many trans Kentuckians are hopeful — and organizing.

“Trans people are the least nihilistic people I know,” said Jaz Brown, whose pronouns are he/him. Brown started hormones in March and had top surgery in November. As Trans Health Coordinator for the Kentucky Health Justice Network, he helps people buy binders, apply for medical grants, find housing, and pay electricity bills.

Jaz Brown, Trans Health Coordinator, Kentucky Health Justice Network
“To pursue transition, to pursue gender affirming care is to say ‘Life has meaning. I want to live.’”

Brown urged those struggling to afford care to apply for a grant through KHJN, and drew on a longer history of resistance: “None of this is new. People need to look to their Black elders, their Black trans elders. The government is not going to save us. Organizations are not going to save us. Nonprofits are not going to save us. We have to save ourselves and each other.”

“I think that anticipatory compliance is what the federal administration” wants, Hamilton said. He continued, “Let’s see how many threats we can make to get people to do what we want to do without actually making it a law. Because some of this, we know, if it’s thrown to the courts is going to be thrown back out.”

Valentín finds empowerment in activism. Arrested in 2023 at the Kentucky state capitol while protesting KY SB 150, they shared their mugshot — wearing what they call a “shit-eating grin.” “I would love to see a full socialist revolution in my lifetime, and I am doing all I can to gear towards that.”

Ari hopes to begin microdosing testosterone this year. They limit media consumption, root themselves in community, and draw perspective from their Chinese identity. “This is the year of the Fire Horse. Fire Horse years historically have marked a disruption of the existing order. The last time this cycle occurred was in 1966, the start of China’s Cultural Revolution.”

Looking to past epochs of political upheaval and change is a stirring reminder to trans people, cisgender members of the queer community, and LGBTQ+ allies that oppressors do not grant freedom to the oppressed. Instead, the people must unite, build coalitions, and seize their rights through collective action.

As Leslie Feinberg reminds us in Trans Liberation: Beyond Pink or Blue, “Genuine bonds of solidarity can be forged between people who respect each other’s differences and are willing to fight their enemy together. We are the class that does the work of the world, and can revolutionize it. We can win true liberation.”

A collage of the Louisville Metro Council chamber tinted in pink and blue, with a torn paper effect overlaid, symbolizing the divided community response to Louisville's proposed Trans Safe Haven ordinance.

A Louisville Ordinance Promises to Protect The Transgender Community. Some Advocates Aren’t So Sure.

A Louisville ordinance meant to protect transgender people from state and federal crackdowns is heading to a committee hearing this week. The law would declare Louisville a safe haven for transgender people.

But discussions between those who wrote the ordinance, LGBTQ+ organizations and other stakeholders across the city have been fraught. A debate has raged over whether or not the ordinance will actually help the community it aims to protect.

It continues to face what two local leaders in talks called “an impasse”.

In a press conference in April this year, District 6 Louisville Metro Democratic Councilmember and Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) member J.P. Lyninger (he/him) introduced the “Safe Haven Law,” that would protect the rights of transgender and gender non-conforming people” He highlighted the support for the ordinance by quoting more than 3,000 signatures from local organizations and residents.

What the Trans Safe Haven Ordinance Would Do

Ordinances like the Trans Safe Haven come on the heels of real concerns that impact gender non-conforming and BIPOC transgender communities as state legislatures continue to introduce and pass anti-LGBTQ+ legislation and normalize anti-trans rhetoric. The Buckeye Flame, an LGBTQ+ news organization covering Ohio’s communities, reported Cleveland Heights and Athens were two cities that voted to enact trans safe haven resolutions.

An ordinance differs from a resolution in that a resolution is a formal statement of a city’s position or policy on an issue, while ordinances are permanent laws that govern jurisdictions and agencies and include penalties. Resolutions are largely symbolic gestures, and ordinances regulate people and property in the city.

The ordinance, drafted in collaboration with Lyninger’s legislative assistant Nick Conder (they/them) and Dare (she/her), a staffer who is a member of the DSA, aims to do approximately five things to offer protections to trans people. Conder said it was modeled on sanctuary city ordinances that were passed in cities to protect immigrants and their rights.

According to the ordinance, Louisville Metro would not use city resources, defined in the ordinance as “time spent by Metro employees, officers, or contractors while on duty, or the use of Metro Government property,” to:

  • Detaining persons for seeking or providing gender-affirming healthcare.
  • Providing information about a person’s gender identity as a transgender or gender non-conforming person to the federal government or any state or local government.
  • Restricting the ability of transgender or gender non-conforming people to access any public accommodations, programs, or services provided by Louisville Metro Government, based on their gender identity.
  • Not to prohibit entertainment by male or female impersonators or prohibitions on performers wearing non-stereotypical dress or costume based upon the entertainer’s actual or perceived gender.
  • Sections V, VI and VII detail training on provisions that would be provided to Metro Government employees, and disciplinary policies up to and including termination for employees who violate the ordinance. 

The ordinance defines gender non-conforming clothing as “Clothing, hairstyles, makeup, or accessories that deviate from traditional societal expectations of how a person should appear based upon their assigned sex at birth.”

But significant gaps persist.

The extent of what constitutes “gender-affirming care” has not been detailed, and how this would impact medical providers and grassroots groups working to bring healthcare to trans and gender non-conforming people. What constitutes “sensitive information” is undefined under the ordinance, which could span medical records, legal documents, birth certificates. But there are no further specifics on training, agencies involved and disciplinary measures.

From Resolution to Ordinance: How the Draft Took Shape

Meetings with community members, DSA members and LGBTQ+ organizations in the city were described as “contentious” by attendees who spoke to Queer Kentucky. Discussions about the ordinance first emerged in 2025 and have evolved around the strategy, approach and language within it.

While organizers and grassroots groups acknowledged that the intentions behind the ordinance were good, an overarching concern remains: whether the draft ordinance – numbering five pages – is robust enough to ensure the safety of the community, the timing of the legislation and the potential for blowback from anti-trans conservatives at the state and local level, regardless of the legislation passing or failing.  

Nick Conder, Lyninger’s legislative assistant who co-authored the ordinance, said it was initially submitted as a resolution, but was rewritten as an ordinance, with input from the Jefferson County Attorney’s Office, and introduced at the end of March 2026.

The idea of a trans safe haven sanctuary policy received attention soon after December 2024, shortly after President Trump was elected. 

“Especially in the beginning of last year, there was a flurry of executive orders that seemed to be kind of confusing, and states were passing laws. Kentucky has relatively unfriendly laws towards trans people,” Conder said. 

In early conversations about the ordinance, Conder said they got the impression that people mostly wanted to see the city take a stance on using the city government to enforce transphobic federal policies or to comply with out-of-state transphobic policies. The DSA has also received the backing of many student groups, has members and representatives who are transgender

But timing matters, said many LGBTQ+ groups and nonprofits in the city. Discussions around the timing of the legislation have gone by the wayside, according to some community members, leaders and activists of organizations that have had a long-standing presence in the LGBTQ+ community.

“Why Now?” The Debate Over Timing and Risk

For many years, a familiar face has emerged at rallies, legislators’ offices and the Kentucky State Capitol’s rotunda. Chris Hartman, executive director of the Fairness Campaign, has been part of the coalition of leading advocacy and lobbying efforts to thwart anti-LGBTQ+ bills, engage with communities and legislators, and push for laws that protect LGBTQ+ Kentuckians.

The Kentucky Legislature has, according to Hartman, been using the LGBTQ+ community as a boogeyman. And the possibility of being hypervisible due to the proposed Louisville ordinance, “could put a target on our backs.”

“Upon deep analysis, this is a symbolic piece of local legislation only, and it is not worth the risk of what could happen in Frankfort to pass a straw man ordinance,” Hartman said.

“As we look at the proposed ordinance and particularly in consultation with transgender leaders, and leaning on the leadership on Black trans leaders in Kentucky, we determined that the ordinance would not have an impact on their lives.”

He added, “It is trying to pre-empt state and federal laws, the likely, and instead the likeliest outcome that a successful ordinance passage would have would be retribution from conservative lawmakers in Frankfort who would see it as an opportunity to advance really egregious anti-trans legislation, which they are always considering doing, but as this year, you know, we can have success even in trying times.

Conder, co-author of the legislation, views this impasse as a clash of political strategies. Playing defense and trying not to provoke the legislature, they said, works most of the time, but it doesn’t work 100% of the time. They see trying and failing to pass legislation as a part of the process.

“If you’re not ever gaining any ground, you’re dying by inches,” Conder said.

Some Trans Leaders Say the Ordinance Misses the Mark

When Alden Jones (they/them), a trans academic based in Louisville, first asked people if they’d heard of the trans safe haven ordinance, they heard positive responses. They were excited at the prospect of an ordinance that would protect trans people in Louisville.

“People had signed on, but [I asked] “did you read it?” and then I read it, and then I wasn’t anymore,” they said.

They attended the most recent meeting in April and said they had noticed a power differential. 

They said they were concerned about the lack of voices in community input around the ordinance. They’re also in favor of solutions like a needs assessment or wider study around concerns of transgender Kentuckians across socio-economic classes, race, and material realities. But the space for that conversation, Alden finds, is limited.

“If you are trying to get something done, and you meet resistance, you don’t wait for the resistance to come to you with solutions. You seek out the solutions and the amendments from established organizations,” they said.

The lack of definition on terms like “gender affirming care” or “information” or how they would be used against trans people without further explanation worries Jones.

“I think we can work together to get something going socially and work on an ordinance that helps real things. I just want the things that help us to benefit everyone so it helps them,” Jones said.

Jaz Williams, (he/him), Trans Health Director at the Kentucky Health Justice Network and a Black trans person, directly works in providing resources for gender-affirming care, which is mentioned in the ordinance.

The fundamental disagreement he has with the DSA is the lack of an intersectional approach to the ordinance. “Being trans and being seen as trans is different for Black and brown communities. The biggest harm is visibility.” In one meeting, Williams said he observed an unequal racial dynamic in a DSA meeting that included trans members. 

Gender affirming care is hard to get. One thing Williams pointed out was the sudden mention of Flock cameras brought up in meetings by DSA members that could potentially be used to track trans people getting gender affirming care, though there is no documented evidence of it happening, nor is it in the current ordinance.

“It doesn’t make sense. Because anyone who is getting subpoenaed from another state for travel for healthcare, unless that state they’re travelling to they get the healthcare in, isn’t going to comply. The mom of the trans kid who takes her kid to Illinois once every couple of months for puberty blockers: It doesn’t matter that she goes dark in Louisville, say we even comply with that. The moment she ends up in Indiana and Illinois, they’re not going to comply. What does it do to protect people?” he said.

The DSA members who authored the legislation did not reach out to KHJN, he said. “It’s problems that aren’t there. It’s a problem that we haven’t experienced yet. And if these are problems, we don’t have the apparatus for it.”

“It only fearmongers and creates problems where they’re not there. And if anything, it gives their enemies the playbook that they didn’t know they had,” he said.

What a Stronger Ordinance Could Look Like

For Tamarra Wieder, the Director of Planned Parenthood Kentucky, any legislation that could potentially impact rural communities by a new preemption from the Kentucky legislature should be centered around marginalized and impacted communities, even if it’s a Louisville Metro Council ordinance.

“I think when there are Black and brown trans Kentuckians, when there are rural voices who are not feeling centered in a conversation, who are especially not centered in a conversation that is going to impact their futures. I think that’s when we take a pause, and we need to find a middle ground on making sure that whatever is being moved forward best centers their needs, especially on a piece of legislation that is going to get a lot of attention from the opposition.” 

For over 25 years, Louisville has had a Fairness Ordinance in place, thanks to a coalition of organizers across the state. The ordinance has now spread to 23 other cities in Kentucky. Wieder says fairness is a successful movement-building model that focuses on building coalitions.

“There’s still the Fairness Coalition that is across the Commonwealth, you know. We haven’t really seen DSA [operate] in the same way that Fairness has,” Wieder added.

Weider doesn’t see this process as an impasse, but she’s been trying to push for more discussion and a potential redraft.

“We can listen to the Trans Health Kentucky Network, see what they’re hearing, and see what’s needed. We can look at what the students are feeling. We can see where the gaps from the fairness ordinances are,” she said.

The ordinance is set to come up in a Louisville Metro Council committee hearing on Wednesday, June 3. 

 

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