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Nathan Wilson smiling in sunglasses and a neon cap in front of a Matthew25 mobile health clinic truck

How Rural Kentucky HIV Care Saved Nathan Wilson

He was an HIV patient in Rural Kentucky. Now he helps run the nonprofit that saved his life. Nathan Wilson is on a mission to fight against the stigma of living with HIV in Kentucky and beyond. 

Before Nathan Wilson worked at HIV health nonprofit Matthew25, he was a patient. He was a convicted felon and was in active addiction for more than a decade. Now, Wilson oversees patient experiences as the facilities and project manager for the organization. He serves the same rural Kentucky communities where he once struggled to find care himself.

Matthew25, which celebrates its 30th anniversary this year, works with those living with, at risk of, or affected by HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. With four clinics across Southern Indiana and Western Kentucky, the organization serves 25 counties in Kentucky and 12 in Indiana.

Wilson became a patient with Matthew25 in 2019. He found out he was living with HIV while at a Suboxone clinic. He recalls being told: “Hey, your blood test shows this. You should probably reach out to these people.”

He admits that he wasn’t the best patient at Matthew25 in the first year, but the workers at the organization were patient with him. He made up for it, and four years later, he began working at the nonprofit, first as a driver, transporting patients to appointments and then working the group’s food pantry. He now oversees facilities operations for all four of Matthew25’s clinics. 

“Matthew 25 has changed my life since day one — not only changed it, but saved it,” Wilson says. He said the organization fought for him to get his HIV medications when he was incarcerated. While the group didn’t succeed, the fact that they worked hard to help him had an effect on Wilson.

Related: An overview of HIV history and its queer criminalization

When he first started working at Matthew25, he wasn’t sure he was “a healthcare facility would hire somebody” like him. 

But now he sees his various roles with the group as a full-circle moment. 

“I spent every day on the road with patients — young, old, different ethnicities, different backgrounds — and it changed my view of how broadly HIV affects people,” Wilson says. “It also broke down a lot of barriers between me and patients, because I am one of them.” 

He says many people he’s met also living with HIV don’t have such robust support systems. 

“A lot of times, you’re just there to listen. People don’t necessarily want advice; they just need somebody to hear them,” Wilson says. “Matthew25 has recognized that from the beginning: that we support system. Sometimes they just need to get something off their chest.”

 Wilson believes his work is a part of a greater impact on their patients.

“I work to make sure we have the best possible experience for both clients and employees. That’s the van someone rides in, the exam room they sit in, the quality of our medical equipment. I want people to feel welcomed and cared for in every detail of their environment.”

He says it’s that care that he was shown at Matthew25 that still stays with him.

“Everywhere else I went, I was treated like an addict or a criminal. I never felt that way here. They strive so hard to meet people where they’re at — without judgment, just focused on providing the medical care you need and whatever support you want,” Wilson says.

Related: The Staggering Scale of Trump’s ‘War on HIV’

Matthew25 is one of a few providers supporting Western Kentucky, offering services in locations outside large urban centers. Geography, Wilson says, plays a large role in obstacles to care for HIV-positive Kentuckians. The organization itself travels about a 200-mile radius to pick a patient up to get them to their HIV care, but also any other medical care they need. 

Another obstacle, Wilson says, is fear. He remembers thinking it was a death sentence when he was told he had HIV. 

“I think a lot of people avoid getting tested because they’re scared of what they’ll find, and worried about cost. What they don’t always know is how many resources exist specifically to help with treatment and suppressing viral load,” he explains. “If we can suppress viral loads in people already living with HIV to the point where there’s no transmission risk, then eventually this ends.” 

Wilson says there’s still stigma surrounding living in the area and a misconception that HIV is only a virus gay men get. He said that while he is a gay man, he also was an IV drug user. Male-on-male sexual intercourse is not the only way a person can contract HIV. 

“I think transmission is still deeply misunderstood, and that misunderstanding costs lives.”

The stigma from the gay community also comes to Wilson’s mind. 

“There’s still so much shame and secrecy around it. I’ve been undetectable for years, but people still treat HIV-positive individuals as if we’re diseased,” Wilson says. “You would think that people who have experienced so much oppression themselves would be more willing to accept others.”

He adds that it’s that specific stigma that makes him want to be open about his status and history: “to show that life doesn’t end with an HIV diagnosis.”

Wilson believes the only way to overcome this stigma and to work to stop the transmission of HIV is to recognize each other’s humanity. 

“People with diabetes aren’t stigmatized for their condition. People with cancer are treated with compassion. People living with HIV deserve the same. And the most important thing to hold onto is this: We could actually see the end of this disease, in my lifetime, or the next,” he says, explaining the need to support HIV medications and PrEP. “Transmission can be stopped. Why would we not want to do everything in our power to make that happen?”

Senator Mitch McConnell, seated, smiles alongside his wife, former U.S. Secretary of Transportation Elaine Chao, who stands beside him with her hand on his shoulder in an office setting

Mitch McConnell’s Health: Why Congress Owes You Nothing

Where is Mitch? Who is my senator right now? Is he even alive?

Following a rather prolonged absence from his job, questions arose as to the whereabouts (and breathing status) of the senior senator from Kentucky, Mitch McConnell.

The questions themselves were not unfounded. Given his age, 84, and his numerous lost battles with gravity, coupled with his on-air moments of freezes that earned the moniker “Glitch McConnell”, voters in the Commonwealth of Kentucky were curious what is up, and what information is owed to us in situations like this?

As people around the country joined in, the short and probably infuriating answer to what information was owed is: Nothing at all.

Unlike the presidency, which operates under strict succession protocols and medical reporting, Congress functions under a veil of legally protected secrecy. Getting a straight answer when a member goes missing in action isn’t just difficult—the system was explicitly engineered that way.

In comparison, if the President undergoes a routine procedure under anesthesia, the 25th Amendment triggers a formal, temporary transfer of executive power to the vice president. The White House physician releases a detailed medical memo, and the public is kept informed.

For a sitting United States Senator or Representative, no such accountability exists.

Members of Congress are independent constitutional officers under Article I of the U.S. Constitution. In other words, members of Congress are independent contractors of our votes. They are Uber drivers for a republic democracy.

Since they are not executive employees, no similar medical mandates exist for health disclosures. There is no statute, House rule, or Senate regulation forcing a legislator to disclose hospital stays, medical diagnoses, or cognitive declines.

And, since the people who elect them are their technical bosses, remember Uber, neither the Speaker of the House nor the Senate Majority Leader has the constitutional authority to declare a colleague “incapacitated.” A member is either sworn in or the seat is vacant—there is no formal “sick leave.” If called to work, taking a vote on the Capitol floor or in committee, an absence just amounts to a missed vote. Similar to someone who missed a flight, got stuck in traffic, or had a stomach ache, it is just business as usual.

Unless a member voluntarily resigns, dies, or faces an extraordinary two-thirds expulsion vote by their peers (see George Santos…diva), the seat remains theirs—even if it sits empty for months while constituents go completely unrepresented.

When a seat finally becomes vacant, federalism, our lovely split function of government, places the rules into two wildly different systems.

The House of Representatives is fairly straightforward. Article I, Section 2 mandates that House vacancies must be filled through special elections called by the state’s governor. Governors cannot hand-pick a temporary replacement. If a representative steps down or passes away, that congressional district simply goes without a voice until voters go to the polls.

The Senate, where the Mitch of it all arises, is a little, or, lot more confusing. Under the 17th Amendment, state legislatures decide how Senate vacancies are handled. Most delegate temporary appointment power to their governor, but state laws vary wildly:

Governors in states like California or New York have unrestricted appointments and can immediately appoint anyone of their choosing to fill the seat until the next general election. Strangely enough, Kentucky’s process has seen a pretty recent development. In 2024, Kentucky lawmakers passed House Bill 622 that took away the Governor’s power to appoint a temporary replacement. Under the revised law, the Governor issues a proclamation calling an election, with the winner serving the remainder of the unexpired term.

Further complicating matters, Section 152 of the Kentucky Constitution authorizes the Governor to appoint a replacement. The 17th Amendment already says that state legislatures can determine how this issue is handled, which conflicts with the state Constitution. Adherence to the 2024 law may seem to follow the 17th Amendment, but how does that fit within the framework of the state Constitution?

Is there a reason for the differing succession laws and little to no requirement for transparency? Due to the openness of the federal law (17th Amendment), state legislatures routinely manipulate succession laws right before an aging or ill senator steps down to favor their own party, see the 2024 bill. State control creates deep inequality: A constituent in one state might get an appointed senator within days, while a constituent in a neighboring state endured a half-year vacancy awaiting a special election.

The absence of clarity in some states and the lack of time to prepare for death or incapacitation has actually moved the needle of progress. Before modern primary elections, state party bosses solved sudden Senate vacancies using a cynical political convention known as the “Widow’s Succession.” Governors who wanted to avoid bloody primary fights over a vacant seat would appoint the deceased senator’s widow. The widow was expected to act as a quiet “placeholder”—keeping the chair warm, voting the party line, and stepping aside when the next official election arrived. This patronizing political trick unintentionally cracked open the door for women in the federal government.

In 1922, the United States had our first female senator. As a publicity stunt to appeal to the newly allowed-to-vote women, Rebecca Latimer Felton was appointed after the death of Sen. Thomas E. Watson. She was sworn in and served for a whopping 24 hours before her elected male successor took over—becoming the first woman in the U.S. Senate.

But getting back to the current Mitch predicament, none of these succession issues matter if the “proof of life” photo shared along with a statement purporting to assuage concerns and rumors, are to be believed.

Therein lies the issue:Many question why nothing has come out besides that photo and limited information. The act itself has done little to tamp down speculation, and the public is clamoring for something more. The public struggle to get clear information about absent leaders boils down to a structural conflict: individual constitutional privacy vs. democratic accountability.

Because the U.S. Constitution provides no mandate for medical transparency in Congress, disclosures remain entirely voluntary. Combined with 50 distinct state succession laws, the system inherently shields politicians—leaving constituents guessing until an official resignation occurs or an empty seat forces the government’s hand.

At the core of the issue is a fundamental clash of rights. While voters naturally expect transparency from those elected to represent them, members of Congress are individually protected by federal privacy laws like HIPAA. Because there is no statutory mandate or constitutional requirement forcing federal legislators to publish personal medical logs or report extended hospitalizations, any updates released to the public are purely voluntary.

Politically, the incentives are overwhelmingly aligned toward silence. A lawmaker’s power in Washington relies heavily on perceived strength, committee seniority, and vote counts. Admitting to a severe illness or long-term cognitive decline can instantly trigger primary challenges, provoke calls for resignation, or jeopardize their party’s tight legislative margins. As a result, congressional communications staff routinely resort to vague press statements or prolonged silence, framing absences as routine rest rather than significant incapacity.

Kentuckians demand answers. Americans demand answers. Unfortunately, within our political system, no answers are owed to either.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., left, speaks with Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear during a ceremony in the Rotunda at the Kentucky State Capitol in Frankfort, Ky., Jan. 2, 2024.

Gov. Andy Beshear demands answers about McConnell and his health amid hospitalization

Kentucky Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear sent a letter to Republican U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell’s office in Washington, D.C., demanding more information about the senator and his health. 

“Over the last several weeks, Kentuckians have grown increasingly concerned about the current state of your health and wellbeing, and ability to hold office in the United States Senate,” the letter, addressed to McConnell, 84, said. 

Beshear, who is considered a possible 2028 presidential contender, said, “As Governor, I request that you fully update Kentuckians regarding the current status of your health. As public officeholders, we have made a commitment to our constituents to do our best to represent them and to always be transparent. I believe this requires clear communication about one’s ability to serve.”

The letter comes after growing concerns over McConnell’s health after he was admitted to a hospital on June 14. His office has refused various media requests asking for an update on his condition or what type of treatment McConnell is undergoing. McConnell has faced numerous health issues in recent years. 

Rumors have swirled that the former Senate Majority leader was brain dead. In recent days, GOP lawmakers have come forward saying they’ve spoken to McConnell at length. 

McConnell’s absence has put a spotlight on a 2024 state law that changed how an empty U.S. Senate seat could be filled. Instead of the governor being allowed to select a temporary senator, it instead requires a special election to serve out the remaining term of the seat. McConnell’s term expires in January 2027.

Beshear vetoed the law, but the GOP-controlled legislature overrode the veto. 

Period Y’all founder Skylar Davis stands in front of a truck filled with donated menstrual products while supporting efforts to combat period poverty in Kentucky.

Period Y’all founder Skylar Davis leads Kentucky fight against period poverty

What started as an extension of the Garrard County Food Bank has grown into Kentucky’s leading defense against period poverty: the lack of access to products, resources, and educational materials which ensure a safe and comfortable menstrual cycle. 

Skylar Davis is the founder of Period Y’all, a nonprofit initiative advocating for reproductive justice and accessible period products for all Kentuckians. Founded in 2022, Period Y’all has established period pantries – boxes stocked with period products free for the public – in three counties, donated products to over a hundred schools in the Appalachian region, and educated countless members of the community about the importance of reproductive autonomy. 

Previously, Davis poured her passion for advocacy and reproductive justice into policy work, hoping to combat bills threatening reproductive rights. She found herself disheartened by the constant negativity and decided to search for a way to “bring some joy.”

A bright pink Period Y’all pantry stocked with free menstrual products stands outside a building in Kentucky to provide public access to period supplies.

A Period Y’all pantry stocked with free menstrual products provides public access to pads and tampons for community members in Kentucky. Photo provided by Skylar Davis.

“I really wanted to do something that was meaningful,” Davis said. “To be able to fight for something more positive. Even if it takes years to pass.”

Inspired by Change Today, Change Tomorrow’s “Friday Period” project, which encouraged members of the community to claim free period supplies every Friday, Davis returned to her hometown in Garrard County to establish Period Y’all.

“The first time, I came with one folding table and probably 40 boxes of pads and tampons that people had donated,” Davis said. “And then it grew once I realized how great the need was. It wasn’t just period products, but hygiene products and incontinence products for the elderly.”

Now, with period pantries in Paducah, Berea, and Garrard, dozens of communities can access products, information, and assistance to help manage their menstrual cycles.

“It’s cool to see the variety of people that are thankful for the products,” Davis said. “It’s not just women in the community. It’s grandmothers who are caring for their grandchildren; maybe they’re on a fixed income, so they don’t have the extra money for the products. It’s mothers. It’s teens that come through and ask us for stuff. Men will ask for their partners and know what their partners use.”

McKenna Newman, a Period Y’all volunteer and fellow Garrard County native, teamed up with Davis to “help bring menstrual equality to anyone in need.”

“Growing up in Garrard County, many girls, including myself, had to get creative managing our periods,” Newman said. “Whether it be financially or the mental and physical burden we all had dealing with it. It is a shame rooted in women and no one should be embarrassed of this natural process.”

Reusable pink pouches filled with menstrual products labeled Period Y’all sit inside a tote bag as part of efforts to distribute free period supplies in Kentucky.

Reusable pouches filled with menstrual products prepared by Period Y’all for distribution to communities across Kentucky. Photo provided by Skylar Davis.

Following its success in Garrard County, over 30 requests for pantries arose across the Commonwealth. Davis plans to open 13 additional period pantries in locations such as Richmond, Somerset, Morehead, Hazard, Louisville, and more.

“When Period Y’all first started, we were doing monthly pop-ups… The products we had, we were able to source through donations, cold calling, and advertising on social media,” Newman said. “All it took was one Facebook post, and now, here we are, four years later, providing hygiene products to schools across Kentucky.”

Recalling her experience with policy work, Davis hopes to empower students to make informed choices about their bodies, health, and their administration.

“Within the next few years, I’m really hoping to get more students involved in shaping the education side of the work,” Davis said. “They’re the ones that are experiencing this in school. They don’t have access to products because it’s not in their school’s budget.”

Since the implementation of Senate Bill 150, schools have restricted students from discussions surrounding gender and sexuality – something that affects all students, regardless of identity. Students experiencing their period in school are only allowed to receive certain pre-approved products, while their teachers have been warned to avoid explaining what periods are.

“People don’t realize the correlation between attacks on trans people and LGBTQ people and those who have periods,” Davis said. “These attacks hurt all of us, not just a marginalized group of people. We can fight back against all of this harmful legislation.”

To join Period Y’all’s crusade against period poverty, Davis and Newman encourage volunteers to participate in “packing parties” – where packages of free pads and tampons are assembled – or to host a product drive. 

“If you ever wanted to get involved with reproductive advocacy… Create a conversation. Make a post. Start a group. Connect with other people,” Newman said. “Your voice is your best tool. Be loud, be proud, and don’t be ashamed! Societal shame around periods is one of the many reasons we have a crisis surrounding women’s health.”

Interested in establishing a Period Pantry in your city, hosting a product drive, or donating menstrual products to support underserved Kentuckians? Contact Skylar Davis to support Period Y’all!

 

Sen. Donald Douglas, R-Nicholasville, speaks at a microphone during a Kentucky Senate Committee on Health Services meeting in Frankfort, presenting Senate Bill 72 (SB 72). He sits at a desk with papers in front of him, wearing a dark suit and red patterned tie, as attendees listen in the background.

Kentucky Senate Advances SB 72 Allowing Health Care Employees and Providers to Refuse Services on Religious Grounds

Kentucky lawmakers are again trying to allow health care providers a way out of performing procedures or services that “violate their conscience” — potentially impacting thousands of Kentuckians, particularly those who are LGBTQ+. 

Senate Bill 72 (SB 72) — sponsored by Republican Sen. Donald Douglas, a Nicholasville-based doctor — cleared Kentucky’s Senate Friday on a 28-5 vote. All five votes against the bill came from Democrats. 

It now heads to the House, which almost passed the same bill last year before running out of time. Kentucky’s GOP-dominated legislature, though, has more time this year, with weeks left in the session. 

As written, the bill would let a range of people involved in health care — from doctors and nurses, to social workers and medical researchers, to anyone deemed a “hospital employee” — along with both public and private health care institutions — including hospitals, pharmacies, nursing homes and medical schools — to refuse to perform services if they feel it violates their “sincerely held religious, moral, or ethical” beliefs. 

The list of protected services listed in the bill is equally broad, with SB 72 allowing providers to object to everything from testing and diagnostics, to direct medical care, to filling prescriptions, to recordskeeping. 

The bill also largely prohibits any sort of discrimination or adverse consequence for those who object to providing services on those grounds.

SB 72 still requires health care workers to provide emergency medical assistance, as well as examinations and tests for sexual assault survivors, as mandated under federal law. 

A range of people, from religious leaders to LGBTQ+ advocates to the ACLU of Kentucky, testified against the bill in committee Wednesday. 

Jacks Gilles, a Louisville-based psychologist who frequently works with the LGBTQ+ community, said he’s heard countless stories of patients facing discrimination in health care settings during his more than 20 years of practice.

“The harm goes deeper than an instance of denied or inadequate treatment,” he said. “It elevates anxiety and avoidance of health care settings that can exacerbate illness and prevent life-saving treatment.” 

Gilles said the Kentucky Psychological Association strongly opposes SB 72. A 2024 poll found 76% of Kentuckians — including people from across ideological lines — oppose legislation like SB 72 that would allow health care providers to deny service on religious or moral grounds. 

In the bill and during Wednesday’s Senate committee vote, Douglas defended the measure, pointing to Kentucky’s statewide hospital workforce vacancy rate and arguing the bill will help recruit and keep workers.

“Forcing health care professionals to violate their conscience could force them out of their profession and prevent or discourage students from entering the medical field,” the bill reads. 

Kentucky’s hospital staffing levels, though, have been on an upswing in recent years, moving from a statewide vacancy rate of 15.3% in 2023 to 8.9% in the most recent report from the Kentucky Hospital Association

SB 72 has an emergency clause, meaning if it is passed into law, it would immediately go into effect. (Bills passed during Kentucky’s legislative session typically go into effect 90 days after the last day of session.) 

This story has been updated.

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