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Kentucky’s Competing Laws Make a Senate Vacancy Anything But Simple

Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell’s extended hospital stay has sparked more than conspiracy theories and proof-of-life memes. It’s raised a question Kentucky politicians and officials are grappling with: If a vacancy were to occur, who decides who will represent Kentucky in the U.S. Senate

McConnell, 84, has not made a public appearance since being hospitalized on June 14 following what he described in a statement as a fall that left him “briefly unconscious.” “My doctors have confirmed that I didn’t break any bones or suffer a concussion. I didn’t have a heart attack or a stroke. I don’t have any tumors or hemorrhages,” he said. His office published additional statements in late July saying he is still having “intense physical therapy.”

While his office has issued assurances that McConnell is stable and pushing through a rigorous regimen of physical therapy, two recently released bedside photos with his wife Elaine Chao have been mocked for their “staged” vibes, fueling speculation ranging from claims that the senator is on life support to suggestions that he is purposely convalescing to avoid dealing with the SAVE Act. For some, his absence at Fancy Farm was the last straw, and Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear has been leading the charge among Democrats to call for the senator’s resignation. Were he to do so, what follows isn’t straightforward.

RELATED: What Can a Governor Do If a Sitting Senator Disappears?

“It’s actually pretty complicated,” Joshua A. Douglas, a professor and associate dean for research at the University of Kentucky Rosenberg College of Law, told Queer Kentucky. “And I think there’s a decent chance the issue could end up in the courts.”

To be clear, McConnell may be absent from the Senate floor, but he still has the seat — though senators are not permitted to vote when absent. McConnell has missed 46 votes since being hospitalized, and the empty chair has generated interest in an unresolved constitutional question involving Kentucky law and competing U.S. constitutional provisions.

Wielding a vote, a senator can affect federal legislation like the Equality Act, approve funding for programs including HIV prevention and treatment, and influence judicial confirmations that could be highly consequential for LGBTQ+ rights, such as marriage equality and trans protections.

In Kentucky, competing state laws are creating uncertainty about how a vacancy would be filled, should one arise — typically, this would happen as a result of death, resignation or expulsion from the Senate.

“Before 2024, Kentucky law allowed the governor to appoint a successor if there is a vacancy from a list of three people provided by the outgoing senator’s party,” explained Douglas. “But the legislature passed a new law in 2024, House Bill 622, that takes away the governor’s authority to fill a vacancy.”

That bill had been introduced in the wake of McConnell’s February 28, 2024, announcement that he would step down as Senate Republican leader, while serving the remainder of his term. While the bill was winding its way through Kentucky’s General Assembly, Beshear, a Democrat, vetoed it, but Kentucky’s GOP-controlled House and Senate overrode the veto.

“So, if there is a vacancy, the governor would call a special election,” said Douglas.

But it’s tricky.

RELATED: Sorry, Thomas Massie Is Not Running for McConnell’s Senate Seat

“The Kentucky Constitution Section 152 seems to contradict this,” Douglas told Queer Kentucky, quoting the provision’s language: “Vacancies in all offices for the state at large, or for districts larger than a county, shall be filled by appointment of the governor.”

And it gets more complicated when the 17th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is taken into account. It establishes a federal framework, but how that framework interacts with Kentucky’s constitution and current statute is where things get murky.

The amendment permits a governor to make a temporary appointment until the vacancy is filled by election, if state law allows such appointments. Most states permit a governor to make a temporary appointment as per the 17th Amendment, and Kentucky law allowed this for about 80 years, until 2021, when McConnell and fellow Republicans backed a bill that was passed by the Republican-controlled legislature, which restricted how Beshear might fill a vacancy.

Per Kentucky’s current statute (HB 622), that would involve a special election. The person would only serve for the remainder of the current term, said Douglas. There would still be a regular election for the term that starts January 3, 2027, when the next U.S. Congress begins.

“Hence the contradiction,” he said, “The 17th Amendment says the legislature may authorize the governor to appoint a temporary replacement, the Kentucky Constitution says the governor appoints one, and the Kentucky legislature now says there must be a special election after the new law.”

Timing adds another layer of uncertainty.

While the current law says that there is a 63-day deadline for notice and a 56-day deadline for filing, Douglas said he doesn’t see a deadline requirement for the governor to call the special election.

“I don’t see anything in the law providing a deadline for when the Governor must call the special election. But the 63-day notice and 56-day deadline for filing certainly impacts this all.”

Considering that November 3 is the scheduled general election day to determine who will replace McConnell at the end of his term, Beshear would have to issue a “proclamation” that sheriffs receive by September 1. County sheriffs are responsible for giving public notice of elections. So Candidates would need to file by September 8 if the special election were to be held by November 3.

If those deadlines are not met, it’s unclear when the special election would be held to fill the remainder of McConnell’s term, should the seat become vacant. That raises the question as to whether the special election could be held on or after the scheduled general election on November 3 to determine who serves the new six-year Senate term starting January 2027.

RELATED: Mitch McConnell’s Health: Why Congress Owes You Nothing

All things considered, given the latest change in current law enacted by Republican legislators in 2024 (HB 622), the most likely outcome would be a special election with a good chance the matter gets taken up by the Kentucky court system – potentially working its way from Circuit Court to Kentucky Court of Appeals to the Supreme Court of Kentucky – to address the question as to whether the governor has the constitutional authority or obligation to make a temporary appointment.

As for working its way up to SCOTUS? It probably won’t reach the U.S. Supreme Court, because it’s really a matter of Kentucky constitutional law, and also, the 17th Amendment permits a state legislature (governor) to make a temporary appointment – but doesn’t require it.

With Republicans holding a narrow majority of 53-47, even a temporary vacancy – or a Democrat appointee – could affect legislation and political dynamics for the whole country. While Republican U.S. Rep. Andy Barr and Democrat Charles Booker are on course to challenge each other in the general election for McConnell’s seat, it’s not a given that they would be selected to face off against each other in a special election. That uncertainty of timing, authority, and eventually who is on the ballot is probably going to remain unresolved until McConnell’s seat becomes vacant or his term simply ends. 

Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell’s extended hospital stay has sparked more than conspiracy theories and proof-of-life memes. It’s raised a question Kentucky politicians and officials are grappling with: If a vacancy were to occur, who decides who will represent Kentucky in the U.S. Senate

McConnell, 84, has not made a public appearance since being hospitalized on June 14 following what he described in a statement as a fall that left him “briefly unconscious.” “My doctors have confirmed that I didn’t break any bones or suffer a concussion. I didn’t have a heart attack or a stroke. I don’t have any tumors or hemorrhages,” he said. His office published additional statements in late July saying he is still having “intense physical therapy.”

While his office has issued assurances that McConnell is stable and pushing through a rigorous regimen of physical therapy, two recently released bedside photos with his wife Elaine Chao have been mocked for their “staged” vibes, fueling speculation ranging from claims that the senator is on life support to suggestions that he is purposely convalescing to avoid dealing with the SAVE Act. For some, his absence at Fancy Farm was the last straw, and Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear has been leading the charge among Democrats to call for the senator’s resignation. Were he to do so, what follows isn’t straightforward.

RELATED: What Can a Governor Do If a Sitting Senator Disappears?

“It’s actually pretty complicated,” Joshua A. Douglas, a professor and associate dean for research at the University of Kentucky Rosenberg College of Law, told Queer Kentucky. “And I think there’s a decent chance the issue could end up in the courts.”

To be clear, McConnell may be absent from the Senate floor, but he still has the seat — though senators are not permitted to vote when absent. McConnell has missed 46 votes since being hospitalized, and the empty chair has generated interest in an unresolved constitutional question involving Kentucky law and competing U.S. constitutional provisions.

Wielding a vote, a senator can affect federal legislation like the Equality Act, approve funding for programs including HIV prevention and treatment, and influence judicial confirmations that could be highly consequential for LGBTQ+ rights, such as marriage equality and trans protections.

In Kentucky, competing state laws are creating uncertainty about how a vacancy would be filled, should one arise — typically, this would happen as a result of death, resignation or expulsion from the Senate.

“Before 2024, Kentucky law allowed the governor to appoint a successor if there is a vacancy from a list of three people provided by the outgoing senator’s party,” explained Douglas. “But the legislature passed a new law in 2024, House Bill 622, that takes away the governor’s authority to fill a vacancy.”

That bill had been introduced in the wake of McConnell’s February 28, 2024, announcement that he would step down as Senate Republican leader, while serving the remainder of his term. While the bill was winding its way through Kentucky’s General Assembly, Beshear, a Democrat, vetoed it, but Kentucky’s GOP-controlled House and Senate overrode the veto.

“So, if there is a vacancy, the governor would call a special election,” said Douglas.

But it’s tricky.

RELATED: Sorry, Thomas Massie Is Not Running for McConnell’s Senate Seat

“The Kentucky Constitution Section 152 seems to contradict this,” Douglas told Queer Kentucky, quoting the provision’s language: “Vacancies in all offices for the state at large, or for districts larger than a county, shall be filled by appointment of the governor.”

And it gets more complicated when the 17th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is taken into account. It establishes a federal framework, but how that framework interacts with Kentucky’s constitution and current statute is where things get murky.

The amendment permits a governor to make a temporary appointment until the vacancy is filled by election, if state law allows such appointments. Most states permit a governor to make a temporary appointment as per the 17th Amendment, and Kentucky law allowed this for about 80 years, until 2021, when McConnell and fellow Republicans backed a bill that was passed by the Republican-controlled legislature, which restricted how Beshear might fill a vacancy.

Per Kentucky’s current statute (HB 622), that would involve a special election. The person would only serve for the remainder of the current term, said Douglas. There would still be a regular election for the term that starts January 3, 2027, when the next U.S. Congress begins.

“Hence the contradiction,” he said, “The 17th Amendment says the legislature may authorize the governor to appoint a temporary replacement, the Kentucky Constitution says the governor appoints one, and the Kentucky legislature now says there must be a special election after the new law.”

Timing adds another layer of uncertainty.

While the current law says that there is a 63-day deadline for notice and a 56-day deadline for filing, Douglas said he doesn’t see a deadline requirement for the governor to call the special election.

“I don’t see anything in the law providing a deadline for when the Governor must call the special election. But the 63-day notice and 56-day deadline for filing certainly impacts this all.”

Considering that November 3 is the scheduled general election day to determine who will replace McConnell at the end of his term, Beshear would have to issue a “proclamation” that sheriffs receive by September 1. County sheriffs are responsible for giving public notice of elections. So Candidates would need to file by September 8 if the special election were to be held by November 3.

If those deadlines are not met, it’s unclear when the special election would be held to fill the remainder of McConnell’s term, should the seat become vacant. That raises the question as to whether the special election could be held on or after the scheduled general election on November 3 to determine who serves the new six-year Senate term starting January 2027.

RELATED: Mitch McConnell’s Health: Why Congress Owes You Nothing

All things considered, given the latest change in current law enacted by Republican legislators in 2024 (HB 622), the most likely outcome would be a special election with a good chance the matter gets taken up by the Kentucky court system – potentially working its way from Circuit Court to Kentucky Court of Appeals to the Supreme Court of Kentucky – to address the question as to whether the governor has the constitutional authority or obligation to make a temporary appointment.

As for working its way up to SCOTUS? It probably won’t reach the U.S. Supreme Court, because it’s really a matter of Kentucky constitutional law, and also, the 17th Amendment permits a state legislature (governor) to make a temporary appointment – but doesn’t require it.

With Republicans holding a narrow majority of 53-47, even a temporary vacancy – or a Democrat appointee – could affect legislation and political dynamics for the whole country. While Republican U.S. Rep. Andy Barr and Democrat Charles Booker are on course to challenge each other in the general election for McConnell’s seat, it’s not a given that they would be selected to face off against each other in a special election. That uncertainty of timing, authority, and eventually who is on the ballot is probably going to remain unresolved until McConnell’s seat becomes vacant or his term simply ends. 

Officer Zachary Stayton approaches Brandon Hill during the Roebling Bridge protest on July 17, 2025, captured on Covington Police Department body camera footage

Roebling Protester Sues Covington Police for Excessive Force

COVINGTON – A man who suffered injuries during the Roebling Bridge protest last year sued the Covington Police Department and two officers this week. 

Brandon Hill sued officer Zachary Stayton, an unidentified officer and the department, according to a complaint filed in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Kentucky. Hill alleges a Monell violation, accusing the defendants of excessive force and violating his civil rights.  

Hill was among 15 people arrested at the protest on July 17, 2025, which began at The Banks in Cincinnati and crossed the Roebling Bridge into Covington. Two journalists were among those charged. More than 100 people were protesting the detainment of Imam Ayman Soliman, a former chaplain at Cincinnati Children’s Hospital, who had his visa and asylum revoked before being arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. 

On November 4, 2025, Stayton was put on unpaid administrative leave after the department investigated the protest and found he did not follow proper procedure. Videos showed Stayton punching Hill in the head while Hill lay on the ground. Covington police said at the time they believed Hill had a gun. Stayton was required to complete remedial training before returning to duty. Queer Kentucky covered the community response to the suspension at the time.

“Hill’s injuries include, but are not limited to, numerous contusions, swelling, and an injury to his arm that significantly limited his mobility in the weeks following the assault,” the complaint says. “These injuries resulted in Hill both missing work (approximately six weeks) and being assigned to “light duty” by his employer upon his return.”

In a statement to Queer Kentucky, the city of Covington said Hill was still facing charges.

“The City of Covington is aware of the federal lawsuit recently filed by one of the individuals facing criminal charges related to the July 2025 incident on the Roebling Suspension Bridge,” the statement said. “As a matter of policy, the city does not typically comment on active litigation. However, it is important to note that the individual who filed the lawsuit is currently being prosecuted by the Commonwealth’s Attorney’s office after a Kenton County Judge reviewed the evidence presented in the case and determined there was probable cause for the felony charges, allowing the matter to move forward through the criminal justice system. 

“The events that occurred on the Roebling Bridge in July 2025 posed serious public safety concerns. The city remains committed to ensuring Covington is a safe place for all residents and visitors. 

“Because both the criminal case and the civil litigation remain pending, the city has no further comment at this time.”

What happens to marginalized groups in a DOGE Eat KOGE World?

Since originality is dead and redundancy is in—Kentucky has been quick to join the list of states mirroring the new, and legally questionable, Department of Governmental Efficiency or DOGE at the state level. 

The proposed Kentucky Senate Bill 257 (SB 257) aims to establish the Office of Government Efficiency within the Auditor of Public Accounts, tasked with evaluating and recommending improvements to the efficiency, cost-effectiveness, and performance of state government agencies, programs, and operations. 

Aiming to cut waste and be more efficient is good. I am annoyingly known to be very efficient with how much I have to talk, aiming for fewer words because I don’t love hearing my own voice. I also have had relationships struggle because of my incessant need to be efficient…like looking up the EXACT time to head to dinner based on traffic patterns– so far be it from me to criticize anyone wanting to work at efficiency. I am one of you.

But what the proposed Kentucky office, or KOGE as they wish to be called, doesn’t factor in are the possible inadvertent negative impacts on marginalized groups, including LGBTQ individuals and people of color. 

As history has shown, when the costs start getting cut—stuff for people who are of the lesser regarded class, aka the others, are often first on the chopping block. Efficiency initiatives often lead to budget cuts or restructuring of programs deemed non-essential. Services specifically supporting marginalized communities, such as LGBTQ health programs or minority outreach initiatives, might be at risk if they are not prioritized, thereby reducing access to critical resources for these populations.

A primary focus on cost-cutting may also neglect to factor in the importance of equity. Yes equity, that word some people are now trying to paint as a negative when really it is anything but. A valid concern with KOGE is how it would handle programs and services designed to address systemic disparities which pose a risk of being undervalued if their benefits are not immediately quantifiable in economic terms, potentially exacerbating existing inequalities. Further, without explicit inclusion of diverse perspectives in the evaluation process, the unique needs of marginalized groups might be overlooked. This oversight can result in recommendations that do not account for the challenges faced by these communities, leading to policies that are not inclusive.

A more tangible fear I hold relates to an office I hold dear to my heart. As the former Executive Director of the Kentucky Commission on Human Rights, I value the mission and purpose of the agency. Past state budgets, not so much. And I know firsthand the importance of the work being done there to this day. When we can look to the federal model of DOGE that has used an approach that seems kind to call “control find” as its guiding practice, I fear what happens to an agency that’s main mission is to “safeguard all individuals within the state from discrimination.”  When the federal version is closing buildings referencing the Civil Rights Movement or looking for things that use the word women, or Black, or queer and laying them out for more scrutiny—what happens with an agency tasked with protecting people who are discriminated against for being a woman, or Black, or queer? Does KOGE make it easier to fire or choose to not hire a queer or Black applicant? Even if that isn’t the intention, the chilling effect on the work of an agency can be pretty severe. On top of open discrimination, this can lead to increased unemployment among populations already facing employment challenges.

Kentucky rarely leads on things outside of bourbon, basketball, and horses. The desire to be one of the first states to emulate DOGE at the state level is befuddling. Why rush? State legislatures already have sweeping authority to monitor and provide oversight of the same things KOGE seeks to address. Does it have a cool name that gets a tweet, sorry X, from Elon Musk? Probably not, but the purpose can be carried out without endangering vital services to marginalized communities. But then again, isn’t it super-efficient to have multiple offices doing the same thing?

 

Crunch time: Follow along on the last day before the veto period in Frankfort

It is crunch time in Frankfort: Friday is the last day Kentucky’s Republican-dominated legislature can pass bills and know they’ll be able to override any vetoes from Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear. 

Read: Any anti-LGBTQ+ legislation needs to pass today, otherwise it is dead for 2025. 

Here’s a general outline of what to watch for Friday, plus an outline of where things go from here. We’ll be updating this story throughout the day, too, so go ahead and bookmark this page and keep an eye on our socials for the latest. 

 

11:42 p.m.: House OKs more health care restrictions for transgender Kentuckians

Kentucky’s House also just voted to block gender-affirming health care from transgender inmates in Kentucky — all 67 of them. This one will also go to Beshear’s desk for consideration.

They approved Senate Bill 2 on a 73-12 vote with mere minutes remaining before the veto period.

Minority Whip Rep. Lindsey Burke (D-Lexington) called out GOP leadership for calling the bill after just passing HB 495, which also restricts access to gender-affirming care — and did so with such little time left on the clock.

“What a wasteful piece of legislation, what a waste of our time when we actually could do something to help instead of hurt,” Burke said.

11:09 p.m.: House OKs blocking health care from some transgender Kentuckians

After using a swift legislative move to stifle debate on HB 495 at the 11th-hour, the GOP-dominated legislature will be sending a bill to both block gender-affirming health care from transgender Kentuckians on Medicaid and prohibit bans on conversion therapy to the governor’s desk.

Five House Democrats spoke against the bill before GOP leadership ended debate and immediately called for a vote on the bill. It passed on a 67-19 vote, with Rep. Kim Banta being the lone Republican to join the Dems in voting against the bill.

 

10:41 p.m.: Clock is ticking, y’all

Checking in real fast to confirm that my prior statement of this being a long night is true.

My eyes are on the House right now, which needs to take action on basically all of the bills I told y’all to watch tonight in the next, um, 80 minutes or so.  Anything controversial must be passed by midnight in order to withstand a potential Beshear veto, so the clock is ticking.

The House just started debating House Bill 495, which would ban transgender Kentuckians on Medicaid from accessing gender-affirming health care as well as prohibit bans on conversion therapy.

Stay tuned here and you can watch live on KET, if you’d like.

 

6:30 p.m.: A last-second Senate change aimed at transgender inmates

It has been a long day and it is expected to be an even longer night. Lawmakers gaveled in this morning and have largely been bouncing between closed door caucus meetings, last-second committee hearings to hammer out final details of a handful of bills and votes on a variety of topics.

This morning, the Senate changed an uncontroversial bill initially aimed at mental health facilities — House Bill 392 — to require inmates to use facilities tied to their assigned sex at birth. The House needs to agree with the changes in order for it to advance to Beshear’s desk for consideration.

 

What to expect in Kentucky’s legislature Friday

Expect a dizzying rush of legislation mixed with random, at times lengthy, periods of downtime as lawmakers meet with their caucuses behind closed doors. 

Also, you should probably expect an incredibly long day — the Senate starts at 9 a.m. and the House at 10 a.m., and they have until midnight to pass whatever they’d like. 

 

What are the bills to watch on Friday?

Queer Kentucky has been tracking LGBTQ-focused legislation all session, and only a handful of the bills are still at play this late into the legislative session. 

The biggest one to watch Friday is House Bill 495. This is the one that initially wanted to just undo Beshear’s ban on conversion therapy, but then suddenly also wanted to block transgender Kentuckians on Medicaid from receiving gender-affirming health care. 

HB 495 passed out of the Senate Thursday, and now the House needs to approve the new health care ban language before the legislature sends the bill to Beshear’s desk. 

And then two bills — Senate Bill 2 and Senate Bill 132 — could get a House vote Friday. SB 2 would block gender-affirming health care for transgender inmates, and SB 132 would allow health care providers to refuse to offer certain treatments if they don’t want to for religious or moral reasons. 

You might also want to keep an eye on House Bill 392, which is poised for a Senate vote on Friday. It is about mental health facilities and has sailed through the legislature thus far. However, Senate Majority Whip Mike Wilson (R-Bowling Green) — the sponsor of SB 2 — added a floor amendment that would, if passed, require inmates to use facilities tied to the sex they were assigned to at birth. 

The Senate may not approve it, but it is worth watching. Like HB 495, this would need to go back to the House for approval before it goes to the governor if it gets changed.

 

And what if the House doesn’t like these changes? 

I will try to make this as conversational as possible. 

OK, so, if the two chambers don’t agree on something, it goes to a thing called a conference committee. Basically, a group of lawmakers talk about the bill and can change around its parts to try and reach a compromise. But they can’t add anything new in; they’ve gotta work with what they’ve got.

But if this doesn’t work, then they get to go to a free conference committee. Now, they can kinda do whatever to reach a compromise. They can add, subtract, multiply, divide, whatever it takes to strike a deal.

Typically, the free conference committee works, so I’ll be honest, I’m not sure if there is a step after that other than the bill failing to pass. 

And I’ll remind y’all that in this situation, they’d be trying to do all of this in a day that is typically the legislature’s busiest. 

 

What happens after Friday?

Everyone is in a rush because the veto period starts at, like, 12:01 a.m. Saturday. This is a block of time dedicated to Beshear reviewing everything passed thus far, and vetoing what he doesn’t like. (Of course, he can also sign things into law, or let them become law without his signature.)

There are then two days of the legislative session left — March 27 and 28 — where the legislature can override those vetoes. So, the GOP-heavy legislature needs to pass anything controversial now so they get the last say. 

They can still pass stuff on those last two days, but then Beshear gets the last say — not them. 

 

Let’s look at the final full week of Kentucky’s 2025 legislative session

This article was originally published by The Gallery Press by Olivia Krauth

This is the final full week of Kentucky’s 2025 legislative session and, honestly, thank God for that.

The GOP-dominated legislature has until 11:59 p.m. Eastern Friday night to pass anything controversial before a 10-day veto period starts. That’s when Gov. Andy Beshear — known supporter of DEI efforts and the LGBTQ+ community — can reject bills sent to him for consideration to be law, but lawmakers would still have two days at the end of the month to override him.

If anything anti-DEI or anti-LGBTQ+ *doesn’t* make it to Beshear by then, I would tell you it is safe to assume it is dead and won’t become law. But also this is Frankfort and apparently we can randomly try and block needed health care from transgender Kentuckians at 8:30 in the morning, so.

A note of caution: There is so, so, so much going on in Kentucky politics right now. For this evening, I’m focusing on the five bills left on the Queer Kentucky bill tracker I’ve been running all session that are still considered alive because what an absolute day for going after the LGBTQ+ community.

As always, you can fill out this survey real fast to let me know what questions you have or what bills you’d like an update on. (And yes, you can also submit people for the potential Best Dressed of #KYGA25 list.)

OK, let’s begin.


FRANKFORT, March 7 – Rep. Ryan Dotson, R-Winchester, (left) confers with Rep. David Hale, R-Wellington, during Friday’s House session. (Photo: LRC Public Information)

OK, seriously?

We can start with the way some Republicans decided to take a bill that already sought to prohibit bans on conversion therapy — a discredited attempt at counseling kids out of being anything other than straight — and then somehow add a section barring Medicaid funds from covering gender-affirming health care for transgender Kentuckians.

They did this literally at 8:30 a.m. Wednesday in front of a Senate committee, which proceeded to pass the new bill (House Bill 495sponsored by GOP Rep. David Hale).

Hale, to his credit, explained the committee substitute of the bill, which radically altered the bill with all of the new we’re-taking-away-your-health-care language, in the committee.

It was interesting to hear Hale present and defend this sudden change because just last week, he seemed to be defending a parent’s right to choose their child’s health care. Now, he’s defending the state’s right to choose your health care, regardless of age. Wonder what changed.

However, he was — and has been — praised for working to make the conversion therapy part of the bill stronger, per Dem Sen. Karen Berg. But the new section yanking away health care was a no-go.

The HB 495 committee vote also included committee chair GOP Sen. Stephen Meredith yelling at Fairness Campaign director Chris Hartman mere *syllables* into Hartman’s testimony against the bill.

I’ve seen plenty of high tensions in Frankfort, but Meredith’s audacity might be unprecedented.

HB 495 now has two readings in the Senate, meaning it could get a full Senate vote as early as Thursday morning, actually, since both the House and Senate decided to gavel in at 9 a.m. instead of the normal 2 p.m.

If it passes the Senate, the House needs to agree with the changes the Senate made to their bill before it gets sent to Beshear’s desk where it will almost absolutely be vetoed.

But here’s the thing: Some Republicans in the House already tried to make the whole blocking Medicaid funds situation a thing several weeks ago and the bill went nowhere. Not even when HB 495 was up for a House vote last week did they try to add this language to it.

So, why now? And will the Senate be interested in it?

And if the Senate approves it, the House has to agree with the changes — will they? Will they do so by Friday night? If they don’t, will a conference committee — a group of lawmakers tasked with finding a compromise — be successful in time?

And if the conference committee fails, what will the free conference committee — the group that basically gets to take the bill and do whatever they want to it — come up with? And will they reach a solution in time?

Is it really worth it to them to spend that much time during the next two legislative days? We’ll see.

It is entirely possible that adding this language about Medicaid will cause the entire thing to collapse, therefore allowing Beshear’s ban on conversion therapy to stay in place. But again, we’ll see.


FRANKFORT, March 12 – Senate Democratic Floor Leader Gerald A. Neal, D-Louisville, speaks on House Bill 4, an act related to diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, on the Senate floor Wednesday. (Photo: LRC Public Information)

Does anyone know when slavery ended?

Kentucky’s GOP-dominated Senate easily approved — with an assist from Dem Sen. Robin Webb, who also voted in favor of the measure — this year’s marquee anti-diversity, equity and inclusion bill, House Bill 4.

HB 4 is aimed at college campuses, and despite this being a high-profile topic for the last two sessions and the bill actually not changing a ton since being filed last month, I’m still not sure if anyone is 100% sure what exactly it does and doesn’t do.

Generally, it is aimed at not forcing any policy designed to be based on religion, race, sex, color or national origin. It wants to do away with DEI offices. It wants to foster intellectual diversity, though, that is safe.

But, just like with so many other bills sparked by the GOP’s culture wars, even with attempts to make its language specific and after months of discussion, it still isn’t totally clear.

And when things like this aren’t clear, it often has a chilling effect on educators and admins.

Wednesday’s Senate vote was, um, interesting. Some Dems, like Louisville Dem Sen. Karen Berg, shared lengthy, personal stories about how DEI impacted them directly. Republican Sen. Donald Douglas, who is Black, rattled off a list of historical facts, including sharing that slavery ended in 1805. Dem Sen. Reggie Thomas, who is also Black, later corrected him regarding slavery facts.

And apparently there was an off-camera fight between legislative leaders, captured by the Kentucky Lantern’s McKenna Horsley.

McKenna Horsley @mckennahorsley.bsky.social

Some party leaders are having a heated discussion.

View on Bluesky

I could write an entire other newsletter about the energy, the body language, Sen. Karen Berg’s shawl version of a Snuggie (?), the last second appearance of Sen. Cassie Chambers Armstrong — everything — in this clip, but I am tired and so therefore I will move on (for now).

This one is off to Beshear, who has 10 days to decide what he wants to do with it. (Spoiler: He will most likely veto it.)


More on LGBTQ+ issues

Senate Bill 2

SB 2, which would block gender-affirming health care for the 67 or so transgender inmates in Kentucky, passed a House committee Wednesday.

This is a top priority bill for the Senate GOP — all 31 Republican senators signed on as a cosponsor — but it looks like it might not have the time to pass the House. It needs three readings across three days, like all bills, and it needed its first reading on Wednesday in order to pass by Friday. And it got that first reading. So we’ll see how this goes.

But while Beshear is pretty pro-LGBTQ+, I don’t know if he’s gone on record regarding this particular issue. It might be possible that he won’t veto it, and therefore Republicans have a bit of extra time.

Senate Bill 132

This one would basically allow health care professionals to refuse to do certain medical procedures if those procedures violate their values. So, think, if their religious values include not believing LGBTQ+ people are real, they could refuse to provide needed gender-affirming health care. Same idea goes for abortions.

This passed out of a House committee and got that first reading Wednesday, so this also could pass Friday.

Senate Bill 60

SB 60 is very much like SB 132, but it extends the religious liberty thing to basically everything — not just health care.

It is almost safe to say this one is dead. It could’ve been heard in committee Wednesday, and yet they didn’t put it on the agenda. It also doesn’t have any of its three readings in the House, and there are only two legislative days left before the veto period, so … the math.


Oh, and also

For reasons I have not seen publicly and/or widely articulated, apparently Grimace was terrorizing the Kentucky Capitol Annex Wednesday.

As if the session itself wasn’t a terror enough.

Apparently, there is also an uprising regarding an alleged recent decision to stop the Capitol Annex snack shop (a small place with a gas station-like assortment of snacks and drinks so you don’t pass out in Frankfort and/or for those of us who have a fear of the Capitol Annex cafeteria) from offering *checks notes* hot food?

Obviously, I will keep y’all updated with such incredibly passing matters, especially as the veto period approaches.


Some programming notes

Just a bunch of repeats from last week:

  • If you’re a paid sub, PLEASE double-check what card you have on file so any and all payments go through. Several of y’all signed up for annual subscriptions last March, so those should be renewing soon and I’d hate for you to lose access at the worst possible moment of session.
  • It is fully party time in Frankfort, but party time in Frankfort does not come cheap. If you’d like to chip in a few bucks for gas or a Celsius via Venmo, I’d be forever grateful (but no pressure, seriously). My Venmo is right here.
  • Also, please take a second and share this newsletter with a friend and/or on your social media feeds! As I said, it is fully party time in Frankfort, and the more folks we have reading + sharing The Gallery Pass, the better the party. Plz + thx!

Where can you find me?

  • For live updates: Either Twitter or BlueSky.
  • For video recaps/explainers/answering your questions: TikTok.
  • For aesthetically pleasing things to add to your Insta story: My professional Instagram.
  • For full-length articles: Queer Kentucky.
  • For regular recaps + analysis: The Gallery Pass. (Please tell your friends to subscribe!)
  • To send me ideas and tips: Use this survey. It is anonymous and you can fill it out as often as you’d like.
  • To support my work: Venmo. (Again, no pressure.)

Aight, my party people, we will talk when we talk next. If you see me in Frankfort and I’m not sobbing in my car, feel free to come up and say hi! I have friendship bracelets!

Toodles!

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